Mencius

孟
子
Mèng
zǐ
Mencius · ~300 BCE

萬章上 Book 5A · Wàn Zhāng shàng

萬章問曰:「舜往於田,號泣於旻,何為其號泣也?」孟子曰:「怨慕也。」。萬章曰:「父母愛之,喜而不忘;父母惡之,勞而不怨。然則舜怨乎?」曰:「長息問於公明高曰:『舜往於田,則吾既得聞命矣;號泣於旻,於父母,則吾不知也。』公明高曰:『是非爾所知也。』夫公明高以子之心,為不若是恝,我竭力耕田,共為子職而已矣,父母之不我愛,於我何哉?帝使其子九男二女,百官牛羊倉廩備,以事舜於畎畝之中。天下之士多就之者,帝將胥天下而遷之焉。為不順於父母,如窮人無所歸。天下之士悅之,人之所欲也,而不足以解憂;好色,人之所欲,妻帝之二女,而不足以解憂;富,人之所欲,富有天下,而不足以解憂;貴,人之所欲,貴為天子,而不足以解憂。人悅之、好色、富貴,無足以解憂者,惟順於父母,可以解憂。人少,則慕父母;知好色,則慕少艾;有妻子,則慕妻子;仕則慕君,不得於君則熱中。大終身慕父母。五十而慕者,予於大舜見之矣。」

Legge

Wan Zhang asked Mencius, saying, 'When Shun went into the fields, he cried out and wept towards the pitying heavens. Why did he cry out and weep?'

Mencius replied, 'He was dissatisfied, and full of earnest desire.'

Wan Zhang said, 'When his parents love him, a son rejoices and forgets them not. When his parents hate him, though they punish him, he does not murmur. Was Shun then murmuring against his parents?'

Mencius answered, 'Chang Xi asked Gong Ming Gao, saying, "As to Shun's going into the fields, I have received your instructions, but I do not know about his weeping and crying out to the pitying heavens and to his parents." Gong Ming Gao answered him, "You do not understand that matter." Now, Gong Ming Gao supposed that the heart of the filial son could not be so free of sorrow. Shun would say, "I exert my strength to cultivate the fields, but I am thereby only discharging my office as a son. What can there be in me that my parents do not love me?" The Di caused his own children, nine sons and two daughters, the various officers, oxen and sheep, storehouses and granaries, all to be prepared, to serve Shun amid the channelled fields. Of the scholars of the kingdom there were multitudes who flocked to him. The sovereign designed that Shun should superintend the kingdom along with him, and then to transfer it to him entirely. But because his parents were not in accord with him, he felt like a poor man who has nowhere to turn to. To be delighted in by all the scholars of the kingdom, is what men desire, but it was not sufficient to remove the sorrow of Shun. The possession of beauty is what men desire, and Shun had for his wives the two daughters of the Di, but this was not sufficient to remove his sorrow. Riches are what men desire, and the kingdom was the rich property of Shun, but this was not sufficient to remove his sorrow. Honours are what men desire, and Shun had the dignity of being sovereign, but this was not sufficient to remove his sorrow. The reason why the being the object of men's delight, with the possession of beauty, riches, and honours were not sufficient to remove his sorrow, was that it could be removed only by his getting his parents to be in accord with him. The desire of the child is towards his father and mother. When he becomes conscious of the attractions of beauty, his desire is towards young and beautiful women. When he comes to have a wife and children, his desire is towards them. When he obtains office, his desire is towards his sovereign - if he cannot get the regard of his sovereign, he burns within. But the man of great filial piety, to the end of his life, has his desire towards his parents. In the great Shun I see the case of one whose desire at fifty year's was towards them.'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章問曰:「舜往於田,號泣於旻天,何為其號泣也?」孟子曰:「怨慕也。」 號,平聲。舜往於田,耕歷山時也。仁覆閔下,謂之旻天。號泣於旻天,呼天而泣也。事見虞書大禹謨篇。怨慕,怨己之不得其親而思慕也

。萬章曰:「父母愛之,喜而不忘;父母惡之,勞而不怨。然則舜怨乎?」曰:「長息問於公明高曰:『舜往於田,則吾既得聞命矣;號泣於旻天,於父母,則吾不知也。』公明高曰:『是非爾所知也。』夫公明高以孝子之心,為不若是恝,我竭力耕田,共為子職而已矣,父母之不我愛,於我何哉? 惡,去聲。夫,音扶。恝,苦八反。共,平聲。長息,公明高弟子。公明高,曾子弟子。於父母,亦書辭,言呼父母而泣也。恝,無愁之貌。於我何哉,自責不知己有何罪耳,非怨父母也。楊氏曰:「非孟子深知舜之心,不能為此言。蓋舜惟恐不順於父母,未嘗自以為孝也;若自以為孝,則非孝矣。」

帝使其子九男二女,百官牛羊倉廩備,以事舜於畎畝之中。天下之士多就之者,帝將胥天下而遷之焉。為不順於父母,如窮人無所歸。 為,去聲。帝,堯也。史記云:「二女妻之,以觀其內;九男事之,以觀其外。」又言:「一年所居成聚,二年成邑,三年成都」是天下之士就之也。胥,相視也。遷之,移以與之也。如窮人之無所歸,言其怨慕迫切之甚也。

天下之士悅之,人之所欲也,而不足以解憂;好色,人之所欲,妻帝之二女,而不足以解憂;富,人之所欲,富有天下,而不足以解憂;貴,人之所欲,貴為天子,而不足以解憂。人悅之、好色、富貴,無足以解憂者,惟順於父母,可以解憂。 孟子推舜之心如此,以解上文之意。極天下之欲,不足以解憂;而惟順於父母,可以解憂。孟子真知舜之心哉!

人少,則慕父母;知好色,則慕少艾;有妻子,則慕妻子;仕則慕君,不得於君則熱中。大孝終身慕父母。五十而慕者,予於大舜見之矣。」 少、好,皆去聲。言常人之情,因物有遷,惟聖人為能不失其本心也。艾,美好也。楚辭、戰國策所謂幼艾,義與此同。不得,失意也。熱中,躁急心熱也。言五十者,舜攝政時年五十也。五十而慕,則其終身慕可知矣。此章言舜不以得眾人之所欲為己樂,而以不順乎親之心為己憂。非聖人之盡性,其孰能之?

萬章問曰:「詩云:『娶妻如之何?必告父母。』信斯言也,宜莫如舜。舜之不告而娶,何也?」孟子曰:「告則不得娶。男女居室,人之大倫也。如告,則廢人之大倫,以懟父母,是以不告也。」萬章曰:「舜之不告而娶,則吾既得聞命矣;帝之妻舜而不告,何也?」曰:「帝亦知告焉則不得妻也。」萬章曰:「父母使舜完廩,捐階,瞽瞍焚廩。使浚井,出,從而揜之。象曰:『謨蓋都君咸我績。牛羊父母,倉廩父母,干戈朕,琴朕,弤朕,二嫂使治朕棲。』象往入舜宮,舜在床琴。象曰:『郁陶思君爾。』忸怩。舜曰:『惟茲臣庶,汝其於予治。』不識舜不知象之將殺己與?」曰:「奚而不知也?象憂亦憂,像喜亦喜。」曰:「然則舜偽喜者與?」曰:「否。昔者有饋生魚於鄭子產,子產使校人畜之池。校人烹之,反命曰:『始捨之圉圉焉,少則洋洋焉,攸然而逝。』子產曰『得其所哉!得其所哉!』校人出,曰:『孰謂子產?予既烹而食之,曰:得其所哉?得其所哉。』故可欺以其方,難罔以非其道。彼以愛兄之道來,故誠信而喜之,奚偽焉?」

Legge

Wan Zhang asked Mencius, saying, 'It is said in the Book of Poetry, "In marrying a wife, how ought a man to proceed? He must inform his parents." If the rule be indeed as here expressed, no man ought to have illustrated it so well as Shun. How was it that Shun's marriage took place without his informing his parents?'

Mencius replied, 'If he had informed them, he would not have been able to marry. That male and female should dwell together, is the greatest of human relations. If Shun had informed his parents, he must have made void this greatest of human relations, thereby incurring their resentment. On this account, he did not inform them!'

Wan Zhang said, 'As to Shun's marrying without informing his parents, I have heard your instructions; but how was it that the Di Yao gave him his daughters as wives without informing Shun's parents?'

Mencius said, 'The Di also knew that if he informed them, he could not marry his daughters to him.'

Wan Zhang said, 'His parents set Shun to repair a granary, to which, the ladder having been removed, Gu Sou set fire. They also made him dig a well. He got out, but they, not knowing that, proceeded to cover him up. Xiang said, "Of the scheme to cover up the city-forming prince, the merit is all mine. Let my parents have his oxen and sheep. Let them have his storehouses and granaries. His shield and spear shall be mine. His lute shall be mine. His bow shall be mine. His two wives I shall make attend for me to my bed." Xiang then went away into Shun's palace, and there was Shun on his couch playing on his lute. Xiang said, "I am come simply because I was thinking anxiously about you." At the same time, he blushed deeply. Shun said to him, "There are all my officers - do you undertake the government of them for me." I do not know whether Shun was ignorant of Xiang's wishing to kill him.'

Mencius answered, 'How could he be ignorant of that? But when Xiang was sorrowful, he was also sorrowful; when Xiang was joyful, he was also joyful.'

Zhang said, 'In that case, then, did not Shun rejoice hypocritically?'

Mencius replied, 'No. Formerly, some one sent a present of a live fish to Zi Chan of Zhang. Zi Chan ordered his pond-keeper to keep it in the pond, but that officer cooked it, and reported the execution of his commission, saying, "When I first let it go, it embarrassed. In a little while, it seemed to be somewhat at ease, then it swam away joyfully." Zi Chan observed, "It had got into its element! It had got into its element!" The pond-keeper then went out and said, "Who calls Zi Chan a wise man? After I had cooked and eaten the fish, he says, "It had got into its element! It had got into its element!" Thus a superior man may be imposed on by what seems to be as it ought to be, but he cannot be entrapped by what is contrary to right principle. Xiang came in the way in which the love of his elder brother would have made him come; therefore Shun sincerely believed him, and rejoiced. What hypocrisy was there?'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章問曰:「詩云:『娶妻如之何?必告父母。』信斯言也,宜莫如舜。舜之不告而娶,何也?」孟子曰:「告則不得娶。男女居室,人之大倫也。如告,則廢人之大倫,以懟父母,是以不告也。」 懟,直類反。詩齊國風南山之篇也。信,誠也,誠如此詩之言也。懟,讎怨也。舜父頑母嚚,常欲害舜。告則不聽其娶,是廢人之大倫,以讎怨於父母也。

萬章曰:「舜之不告而娶,則吾既得聞命矣;帝之妻舜而不告,何也?」曰:「帝亦知告焉則不得妻也。」 妻,去聲。以女為人妻曰妻。程子曰:「堯妻舜而不告者,以君治之而已,如今之官府治民之私者亦多。」

萬章曰:「父母使舜完廩,捐階,瞽瞍焚廩。使浚井,出,從而揜之。象曰:『謨蓋都君咸我績。牛羊父母,倉廩父母,干戈朕,琴朕,弤朕,二嫂使治朕棲。』象往入舜宮,舜在床琴。象曰:『郁陶思君爾。』忸怩。舜曰:『惟茲臣庶,汝其於予治。』不識舜不知象之將殺己與?」曰:「奚而不知也?象憂亦憂,像喜亦喜。」 弤,都禮反。忸,女六反。怩,音尼。與,平聲。完,治也。捐,去也。階,梯也。揜,蓋也。按史記,曰:「使舜上塗廩,瞽瞍從下縱火焚廩,舜乃以兩笠自捍而下去,得不死。後又使舜穿井,舜穿井為匿空旁出。舜既入深,瞽瞍與象共下土實井,舜從匿空中出去。」即其事也。象,舜異母弟也。謨,謀也。蓋,蓋井也。舜所居三年成都,故謂之都君。咸,皆也。績,功也。舜既入井,像不知舜已出,欲以殺舜為己功也。干,盾也。戈,戟也。琴,舜所彈五弦琴也。弤,琱弓也。象欲以舜之牛羊倉廩與父母,而自取此物也。二嫂,堯二女也。棲,床也,像欲使為己妻也。象往舜宮,欲分取所有,見舜坐在床彈琴,蓋既出即潛歸其宮也。郁陶,思之甚而氣不得伸也。象言己思君之甚,故來見爾。忸怩,慚色也。臣庶,謂其百官也。象素憎舜,不至其宮,故舜見其來而喜,使之治其臣庶也。孟子言舜非不知其將殺己,但見其憂則憂,見其喜則喜,兄弟之情,自有所不能已耳。萬章所言,其有無不可知,然舜之心,則孟子有以知之矣,他亦不足辨也。程子曰:「象憂亦憂,像喜亦喜,人情天理,於是為至。」

曰:「然則舜偽喜者與?」曰:「否。昔者有饋生魚於鄭子產,子產使校人畜之池。校人烹之,反命曰:『始捨之圉圉焉,少則洋洋焉,攸然而逝。』子產曰『得其所哉!得其所哉!』校人出,曰:『孰謂子產智?予既烹而食之,曰:得其所哉?得其所哉。』故君子可欺以其方,難罔以非其道。彼以愛兄之道來,故誠信而喜之,奚偽焉?」 與,平聲。校,音效,又音教。畜,許六反。校人,主池沼小吏也。圉圉,困而未紓之貌。洋洋,則稍縱矣。攸然而逝者,自得而遠去也。方,亦道也。罔,蒙蔽也。欺以其方,謂誑之以理之所有;罔以非其道,謂昧之以理之所無。象以愛兄之道來,所謂欺之以其方也。舜本不知其偽,故實喜之,何偽之有?此章又言舜遭人倫之變,而不失天理之常也。

萬章問曰:「象日以殺舜為事,立為天子,則放之,何也?」孟子曰:「封之也,或曰放焉。」萬章曰:「舜流共工於幽州,放驩兜於崇山,殺三苗於三危,殛鯀於羽山,四罪而天下咸服,誅不也。象至不,封之有庳。有庳之人奚罪焉?人固如是乎?在他人則誅之,在弟則封之。」曰:「人之於弟也,不藏怒焉,不宿怨焉,親愛之而已矣。親之欲其貴也,愛之欲其富也。封之有庳,富貴之也。身為天子,弟為匹夫,可謂親愛之乎?」「敢問或曰放者,何謂也?」曰:「象不得有為於其國,天子使吏治其國,而納其貢稅焉,故謂之放,豈得暴彼民哉?雖然,欲常常而見之,故源源而來。『不及貢,以政接於有庳』,此之謂也。」

Legge

Wan Zhang said, 'Xiang made it his daily business to slay Shun. When Shun was made sovereign, how was it that he only banished him?'

Mencius said, 'He raised him to be a prince. Some supposed that it was banishing him?'

Wan Zhang said, 'Shun banished the superintendent of works to You Zhou; he sent away Huan Dou to the mountain Chong; he slew the prince of San Miao in San Wei; and he imprisoned Gun on the mountain Yu. When the crimes of those four were thus punished, the whole kingdom acquiesced - it was a cutting off of men who were destitute of benevolence. But Xiang was of all men the most destitute of benevolence, and Shun raised him to be the prince of You Bei - of what crimes had the people of You Bei been guilty? Does a benevolent man really act thus? In the case of other men, he cut them off; in the case of his brother, he raised him to be a prince.'

Mencius replied, 'A benevolent man does not lay up anger, nor cherish resentment against his brother, but only regards him with affection and love. Regarding him with affection, he wishes him to be honourable: regarding him with love, he wishes him to be rich. The appointment of Xiang to be the prince of You Bei was to enrich and ennoble him. If while Shun himself was sovereign, his brother had been a common man, could he have been said to regard him with affection and love?'

Wan Zhang said, 'I venture to ask what you mean by saying that some supposed that it was a banishing of Xiang?'

Mencius replied, 'Xiang could do nothing in his State. The Son of Heaven appointed an officer to administer its government, and to pay over its revenues to him. This treatment of him led to its being said that he was banished. How indeed could he be allowed the means of oppressing the people? Nevertheless, Shun wished to be continually seeing him, and by this arrangement, he came incessantly to court, as is signified in that expression: "He did not wait for the rendering of tribute, or affairs of government, to receive the prince of You Bei.

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章問曰:「象日以殺舜為事,立為天子,則放之,何也?」孟子曰:「封之也,或曰放焉。」 放,猶置也;置之於此,使不得去也。萬章疑舜何不誅之,孟子言舜實封之,而或者誤以為放也。

萬章曰:「舜流共工於幽州,放驩兜於崇山,殺三苗於三危,殛鯀於羽山,四罪而天下咸服,誅不仁也。象至不仁,封之有庳。有庳之人奚罪焉?仁人固如是乎?在他人則誅之,在弟則封之。」曰:「仁人之於弟也,不藏怒焉,不宿怨焉,親愛之而已矣。親之欲其貴也,愛之欲其富也。封之有庳,富貴之也。身為天子,弟為匹夫,可謂親愛之乎?」 庳,音鼻。流,徙也。共工,官名。驩兜,人名。二人比周,相與為黨。三苗,國名,負固不服。殺,殺其君也。殛,誅也。鯀,禹父名,方命圮族,治水無功,皆不仁之人也。幽州、崇山、三危、羽山、有庳,皆地名也。或曰:「今道州鼻亭,即有庳之地也。」未知是否?萬章疑舜不當封象,使彼有庳之民無罪而遭象之虐,非仁人之心也。藏怒,謂藏匿其怒。宿怨,謂留蓄其怨。

「敢問或曰放者,何謂也?」曰:「象不得有為於其國,天子使吏治其國,而納其貢稅焉,故謂之放,豈得暴彼民哉?雖然,欲常常而見之,故源源而來。『不及貢,以政接於有庳』,此之謂也。」 孟子言象雖封為有庳之君,然不得治其國,天子使吏代之治,而納其所收之貢稅於象。有似於放,故或者以為放也。蓋象至不仁,處之如此,則既不失吾親愛之心,而彼亦不得虐有庳之民也。源源,若水之相繼也。來,謂來朝覲也。不及貢以政接於有庳,謂不待及諸侯朝貢之期,而以政事接見有庳之君。蓋古書之辭,而孟子引以證源源而來之意,見其親愛之無已如此也。吳氏曰:「言聖人不以公義廢私恩,亦不以私恩害公義。舜之於象,仁之至,義之盡也。」

咸丘蒙問曰:「語云:『盛德之士,君不得而臣,父不得而子。』舜南面而立,堯帥諸侯北面而朝之,瞽瞍亦北面而朝之。舜見瞽瞍,其容有蹙。孔子曰:『於斯時也,天下殆哉,岌岌乎!』不識此語誠然乎哉?」孟子曰:「否。此非之言,齊東野人之語也。堯老而舜攝也。堯典曰:『二十有八載,放勳乃徂落,百姓如喪考妣,三年,四海遏密八音。』孔子曰:『無二日,民無二王。』舜既為天子矣,又帥天下諸侯以為堯三年喪,是二天子矣。」咸丘蒙曰:「舜之不臣堯,則吾既得聞命矣。詩云:『普之下,莫非王土;率土之濱,莫非王臣。』而舜既為天子矣,敢問瞽瞍之非臣,如何?」曰:「是詩也,非是之謂也;勞於王事,而不得養父母也。曰:『此莫非王事,我獨賢勞也。』故說詩者,不以文害辭,不以辭害志。以意逆志,是為得之。如以辭而已矣,雲漢之詩曰:『周余黎民,靡有孑遺。』信斯言也,是周無遺民也。子之至,莫大乎尊親;尊親之至,莫大乎以天下養。為天子父,尊之至也;以天下養,養之至也。詩曰:『永言思,思維則。』此之謂也。書曰:『祗載見瞽瞍,夔夔齊栗,瞽瞍亦允若。』是為父不得而子也。」

Legge

Xian Qiu Meng asked Mencius, saying, 'There is the saying, "A scholar of complete virtue may not be employed as a minister by his sovereign, nor treated as a son by his father. Shun stood with his face to the south, and Yao, at the head of all the princes, appeared before him at court with his face to the north. Gu Sou also did the same. When Shun saw Gu Sou, his countenance became discomposed. Confucius said, At this time, in what a perilous condition was the kingdom! Its state was indeed unsettled." - I do not know whether what is here said really took place.'

Mencius replied, 'No. These are not the words of a superior man. They are the sayings of an uncultivated person of the east of Qi. When Yao was old, Shun was associated with him in the government. It is said in the Canon of Yao, "After twenty and eight years, the Highly Meritorious one deceased. The people acted as if they were mourning for a father or mother for three years, and up to the borders of the four seas every sound of music was hushed." Confucius said, "There are not two suns in the sky, nor two sovereigns over the people." Shun having been sovereign, and, moreover, leading on all the princes to observe the three years' mourning for Yao, there would have been in this case two sovereigns.'

Xian Qiu Meng said, 'On the point of Shun's not treating Yao as a minister, I have received your instructions. But it is said in the Book of Poetry, Under the whole heaven, Every spot is the sovereign's ground; To the borders of the land, Every individual is the sovereign's minister;" - and Shun had become sovereign. I venture to ask how it was that Gu Sou was not one of his ministers.'

Mencius answered, 'That ode is not to be understood in that way - it speaks of being laboriously engaged in the sovereign's business, so as not to be able to nourish one's parents, as if the author said, "This is all the sovereign's business, and how is it that I alone am supposed to have ability, and am made to toil in it?" Therefore, those who explain the odes, may not insist on one term so as to do violence to a sentence, nor on a sentence so as to do violence to the general scope. They must try with their thoughts to meet that scope, and then we shall apprehend it. If we simply take single sentences, there is that in the ode called "The Milky Way," - "Of the black-haired people of the remnant of Zhou, There is not half a one left." If it had been really as thus expressed, then not an individual of the people of Zhou was left. Of all which a filial son can attain to, there is nothing greater than his honouring his parents. And of what can be attained to in the honouring one's parents, there is nothing greater than the nourishing them with the whole kingdom. Gu Sou was the father of the sovereign - this was the height of honour. Shun nourished him with the whole kingdom - this was the height of nourishing. In this was verified the sentiment in the Book of Poetry, "Ever cherishing filial thoughts, Those filial thoughts became an example to after ages." It is said in the Book of History, "Reverently performing his duties, he waited on Gu Sou, and was full of veneration and awe. Gu Sou also believed him and conformed to virtue." This is the true case of the scholar of complete virtue not being treated as a son by his father.'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

咸丘蒙問曰:「語云:『盛德之士,君不得而臣,父不得而子。』舜南面而立,堯帥諸侯北面而朝之,瞽瞍亦北面而朝之。舜見瞽瞍,其容有蹙。孔子曰:『於斯時也,天下殆哉,岌岌乎!』不識此語誠然乎哉?」孟子曰:「否。此非君子之言,齊東野人之語也。堯老而舜攝也。堯典曰:『二十有八載,放勳乃徂落,百姓如喪考妣,三年,四海遏密八音。』孔子曰:『天無二日,民無二王。』舜既為天子矣,又帥天下諸侯以為堯三年喪,是二天子矣。」 朝,音潮。岌,魚及反。咸丘蒙,孟子弟子。語者,古語也。蹙,顰蹙不自安也。岌岌,不安貌也。言人倫乖亂,天下將危也。齊東,齊國之東鄙也。孟子言堯但老不治事,而舜攝天子之事耳。堯在時,舜未嘗即天子位,堯何由北面而朝乎?又引書及孔子之言以明之。堯典,虞書篇名。今此文乃見於舜典,蓋古書二篇,或合為一耳。言舜攝位二十八年而堯死也。徂,升也。落,降也。人死則魂升而魄降,故古者謂死為徂落。遏,止也。密,靜也。八音,金、石、絲、竹、匏、土、革、木,樂器之音也

咸丘蒙曰:「舜之不臣堯,則吾既得聞命矣。詩云:『普天之下,莫非王土;率土之濱,莫非王臣。』而舜既為天子矣,敢問瞽瞍之非臣,如何?」曰:「是詩也,非是之謂也;勞於王事,而不得養父母也。曰:『此莫非王事,我獨賢勞也。』故說詩者,不以文害辭,不以辭害志。以意逆志,是為得之。如以辭而已矣,雲漢之詩曰:『周余黎民,靡有孑遺。』信斯言也,是周無遺民也。 不臣堯,不以堯為臣,使北面而朝也。詩小雅北山之篇也。普,遍也。率,循也。此詩今毛氏序云:「役使不均,已勞於王事而不得養其父母焉。」其詩下文亦云:「大夫不均,我從事獨賢。」乃作詩者自言天下皆王臣,何為獨使我以賢才而勞苦乎?非謂天子可臣其父也。文,字也。辭,語也。逆,迎也。雲漢,大雅篇名也。孑,獨立之貌。遺,脫也。言說詩之法,不可以一字而害一句之義,不可以一句而害設辭之志,當以己意迎取作者之志,乃可得之。若但以其辭而已,則如雲漢所言,是周之民真無遺種矣。惟以意逆之。則知作詩者之志在於憂旱,而非真無遺民也。

孝子之至,莫大乎尊親;尊親之至,莫大乎以天下養。為天子父,尊之至也;以天下養,養之至也。詩曰:『永言孝思,孝思維則。』此之謂也。 養,去聲。言瞽瞍既為天子之父,則當享天下之養,此舜之所以為尊親養親之至也。豈有使之北面而朝之理乎?詩大雅下武之篇。言人能長言孝思而不忘,則可以為天下法則也。

書曰:『祗載見瞽瞍,夔夔齊栗,瞽瞍亦允若。』是為父不得而子也。」 見,音現。齊,側皆反。書大禹謨篇也。祗,敬也。載,事也。夔夔齊栗,敬謹恐懼之貌。允,信也。若,順也。言舜敬事瞽瞍,往而見之,敬謹如此,瞽瞍亦信而順之也。孟子引此而言瞽瞍不能以不善及其子,而反見化於其子,則是所謂父不得而子者,而非如咸丘蒙之說也。

萬章曰:「堯以天下與舜,有諸?」孟子曰:「否。天子不能以天下與人。」「然則舜有天下也,孰與之?」曰:「與之。」「與之者,諄諄然命之乎?」曰:「否。不言,以行與事示之而已矣。」曰:「以行與事示之者如之何?」曰:「天子能薦人於,不能使與之天下;諸侯能薦人於天子,不能使天子與之諸侯;大夫能薦人於諸侯,不能使諸侯與之大夫。昔者堯薦舜於而受之,暴之於民而民受之,故曰:不言,以行與事示之而已矣。」曰:「敢問薦之於而受之,暴之於民而民受之,如何?」曰:「使之主祭而百神享之,是受之;使之主事而事治,百姓安之,是民受之也。與之,人與之,故曰:天子不能以天下與人。舜相堯二十有八載,非人之所能為也,也。堯崩,三年之喪畢,舜避堯之子於南河之南。天下諸侯朝覲者,不之堯之子而之舜;訟獄者,不之堯之子而之舜;謳歌者,不謳歌堯之子而謳歌舜,故曰也。夫然後之中國,踐天子位焉。而居堯之宮,逼堯之子,是篡也,非與也。太誓曰:『視自我民視,聽自我民聽』,此之謂也。」

Legge

Wan Zhang said, 'Was it the case that Yao gave the throne to Shun?'

Mencius said, 'No. The sovereign cannot give the throne to another.'

'Yes - but Shun had the throne. Who gave it to him?'

'Heaven gave it to him,' was the answer.

'" Heaven gave it to him:" - did Heaven confer its appointment on him with specific injunctions?'

Mencius replied, 'No. Heaven does not speak. It simply showed its will by his personal conduct and his conduct of affairs.'

"It showed its will by his personal conduct and his conduct of affairs" - how was this?'

Mencius's answer was, 'The sovereign can present a man to Heaven, but he cannot make Heaven give that man the throne. A prince can present a man to the sovereign, but he cannot cause the sovereign to make that man a prince. A great officer can present a man to his prince, but he cannot cause the prince to make that man a great officer. Yao presented Shun to Heaven, and Heaven accepted him. He presented him to the people, and the people accepted him. Therefore I say, "Heaven does not speak. It simply indicated its will by his personal conduct and his conduct of affairs."'

Zhang said, 'I presume to ask how it was that Yao presented Shun to Heaven, and Heaven accepted him; and that he exhibited him to the people, and the people accepted him.'

Mencius replied, 'He caused him to preside over the sacrifices, and all the spirits were well pleased with them; thus Heaven accepted him. He caused him to preside over the conduct of affairs, and affairs were well administered, so that the people reposed under him; thus the people accepted him. Heaven gave the throne to him. The people gave it to him. Therefore I said, "The sovereign cannot give the throne to another. Shun assisted Yao in the government for twenty and eight years - this was more than man could have done, and was from Heaven. After the death of Yao, when the three years' mourning was completed, Shun withdrew from the son of Yao to the south of South river. The princes of the kingdom, however, repairing to court, went not to the son of Yao, but they went to Shun. Litigants went not to the son of Yao, but they went to Shun. Singers sang not the son of Yao, but they sang Shun. Therefore I said, "Heaven gave him the throne." It was after these things that he went to the Middle Kingdom, and occupied the seat of the Son of Heaven. If he had, before these things, taken up his residence in the palace of Yao, and had applied pressure to the son of Yao, it would have been an act of usurpation, and not the gift of Heaven. This sentiment is expressed in the words of The Great Declaration: "Heaven sees according as my people see; Heaven hears according as my people hear."'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章曰:「堯以天下與舜,有諸?」孟子曰:「否。天子不能以天下與人。」 天下者,天下之天下,非一人之私有故也。

「然則舜有天下也,孰與之?」曰:「天與之。」 萬章問而孟子答也。

「天與之者,諄諄然命之乎?」 諄,之淳反。萬章問也。諄諄,詳語之貌。

曰:「否。天不言,以行與事示之而已矣。」 行,去聲,下同。行之於身謂之行,措諸天下謂之事。言但因舜之行事,而示以與之之意耳。

曰:「以行與事示之者如之何?」曰:「天子能薦人於天,不能使天與之天下;諸侯能薦人於天子,不能使天子與之諸侯;大夫能薦人於諸侯,不能使諸侯與之大夫。昔者堯薦舜於天而天受之,暴之於民而民受之,故曰:天不言,以行與事示之而已矣。」 暴,步卜反,下同。暴,顯也。言下能薦人於上,不能令上必用之。舜為天人所受,是因舜之行與事,而示之以與之之意也。

曰:「敢問薦之於天而天受之,暴之於民而民受之,如何?」曰:「使之主祭而百神享之,是天受之;使之主事而事治,百姓安之,是民受之也。天與之,人與之,故曰:天子不能以天下與人。 治,去聲。

舜相堯二十有八載,非人之所能為也,天也。堯崩,三年之喪畢,舜避堯之子於南河之南。天下諸侯朝覲者,不之堯之子而之舜;訟獄者,不之堯之子而之舜;謳歌者,不謳歌堯之子而謳歌舜,故曰天也。夫然後之中國,踐天子位焉。而居堯之宮,逼堯之子,是篡也,非天與也。 相,去聲。朝,音潮。夫音扶。南河在冀州之南,其南即豫州也。訟獄,謂獄不決而訟之也。

太誓曰:『天視自我民視,天聽自我民聽』,此之謂也。」 自,從也。天無形,其視聽皆從於民之視聽。民之歸舜如此,則天與之可知矣。

萬章問曰:「人有言:『至於禹而德衰,不傳於賢而傳於子。』有諸?」孟子曰:「否,不然也。與賢,則與賢;與子,則與子。昔者舜薦禹於,十有七年,舜崩。三年之喪畢,禹避舜之子於陽城。天下之民從之,若堯崩之後,不從堯之子而從舜也。禹薦益於,七年,禹崩。三年之喪畢,益避禹之子於箕山之陰。朝覲訟獄者不之益而之啟,曰:『吾君之子也。』謳歌者不謳歌益而謳歌啟,曰:『吾君之子也。』丹朱之不肖,舜之子亦不肖。舜之相堯,禹之相舜也,歷年多,施澤於民久。啟賢,能敬承繼禹之道。益之相禹也,歷年少,施澤於民未久。舜、禹、益相去久遠,其子之賢不肖,皆也,非人之所能為也。莫之為而為者,也;莫之致而至者,命也。匹夫而有天下者,德必若舜禹,而又有天子薦之者,故仲尼不有天下。繼世以有天下,之所廢,必若桀紂者也,故益、伊尹、周公不有天下。伊尹相湯以王於天下。湯崩,太丁未立,外丙二年,仲壬四年。太甲顛覆湯之典刑,伊尹放之於桐。三年,太甲悔過,自怨自艾,於桐處遷;三年,以聽伊尹之訓己也,復歸於亳。周公之不有天下,猶益之於夏,伊尹之於殷也。孔子曰:『唐虞禪,夏後、殷、周繼,其一也。』」

Legge

Wan Zhang asked Mencius, saying, 'People say, "When the disposal of the kingdom came to Yu, his virtue was inferior to that of Yao and Shun, and he transmitted it not to the worthiest but to his son." Was it so?'

Mencius replied, 'No; it was not so. When Heaven gave the kingdom to the worthiest, it was given to the worthiest. When Heaven gave it to the son of the preceding sovereign, it was given to him. Shun presented Yu to Heaven. Seventeen years elapsed, and Shun died. When the three years' mourning was expired, Yu withdrew from the son of Shun to Yang Cheng. The people of the kingdom followed him just as after the death of Yao, instead of following his son, they had followed Shun. Yu presented Yi to Heaven. Seven years elapsed, and Yu died. When the three years' mourning was expired, Yi withdrew from the son of Yu to the north of mount Ji. The princes, repairing to court, went not to Yi, but they went to Qi. Litigants did not go to Yi, but they went to Qi, saying, "He is the son of our sovereign;" the singers did not sing Yi, but they sang Qi, saying, "He is the son of our sovereign. That Dan Zhu was not equal to his father, and Shun's son not equal to his; that Shun assisted Yao, and Yu assisted Shun, for many years, conferring benefits on the people for a long time; that thus the length of time during which Shun, Yu, and Yi assisted in the government was so different; that Qi was able, as a man of talents and virtue, reverently to pursue the same course as Yu; that Yi assisted Yu only for a few years, and had not long conferred benefits on the people; that the periods of service of the three were so different; and that the sons were one superior, and the other superior - all this was from Heaven, and what could not be brought about by man. That which is done without man's doing is from Heaven. That which happens without man's causing is from the ordinance of Heaven. In the case of a private individual obtaining the throne, there must be in him virtue equal to that of Shun or Yu; and moreover there must be the presenting of him to Heaven by the preceding sovereign. It was on this account that Confucius did not obtain the throne. When the kingdom is possessed by natural succession, the sovereign who is displaced by Heaven must be like Jie or Zhou. It was on this account that Yi, Yi Yin, and Zhou Gong did not obtain the throne. Yi Yin assisted Tang so that he became sovereign over the kingdom. After the demise of Tang, Tai Ding having died before he could be appointed sovereign, Wai Bing reigned two years, and Zhong Ren four. Tai Jia was then turning upside down the statutes of Tang, when Yi Yin placed him in Tong for three years. There Tai Jia repented of his errors, was contrite, and reformed himself. In Tong be came to dwell in benevolence and walk in righteousness, during those three years, listening to the lessons given to him by Yi Yin. Then Yi Yin again returned with him to Bo. Zhou Gong not getting the throne was like the case of Yi and the throne of Xia, or like that of Yi Yin and the throne of Yin. Confucius said, "Tang and Yu resigned the throne to their worthy ministers. The sovereign of Xia and those of Yin and Zhou transmitted it to their sons. The principle of righteousness was the same in all the cases."'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章問曰:「人有言:『至於禹而德衰,不傳於賢而傳於子。』有諸?」孟子曰:「否,不然也。天與賢,則與賢;天與子,則與子。昔者舜薦禹於天,十有七年,舜崩。三年之喪畢,禹避舜之子於陽城。天下之民從之,若堯崩之後,不從堯之子而從舜也。禹薦益於天,七年,禹崩。三年之喪畢,益避禹之子於箕山之陰。朝覲訟獄者不之益而之啟,曰:『吾君之子也。』謳歌者不謳歌益而謳歌啟,曰:『吾君之子也。』 朝,音潮。陽城,箕山之陰,皆嵩山下深谷中可藏處。啟,禹之子也。楊氏曰:「此語孟子必有所受,然不可考矣。但云天與賢則與賢,天與子則與子,可以見堯、舜、禹之心,皆無一毫私意也。」

丹朱之不肖,舜之子亦不肖。舜之相堯,禹之相舜也,歷年多,施澤於民久。啟賢,能敬承繼禹之道。益之相禹也,歷年少,施澤於民未久。舜、禹、益相去久遠,其子之賢不肖,皆天也,非人之所能為也。莫之為而為者,天也;莫之致而至者,命也。 之相之相,去聲。相去之相,如字。堯舜之子皆不肖,而舜禹之為相久,此堯舜之子所以不有天下,而舜禹有天下也。禹之子賢,而益相不久,此啟所以有天下而益不有天下也。然此皆非人力所為而自為,非人力所致而自至者。蓋以理言之謂之天,自人言之謂之命,其實則一而已。

匹夫而有天下者,德必若舜禹,而又有天子薦之者,故仲尼不有天下。 孟子因禹益之事,歷舉此下兩條以推明之。言仲尼之德,雖無愧於舜禹,而無天子薦之者,故不有天下。

繼世以有天下,天之所廢,必若桀紂者也,故益、伊尹、周公不有天下。 繼世而有天下者,其先世皆有大功德於民,故必有大惡如桀紂,則天乃廢之。如啟及大甲、成王雖不及益、伊尹、周公之賢聖,但能嗣守先業,則天亦不廢之。故益、伊尹、周公,雖有舜禹之德,而亦不有天下。

伊尹相湯以王於天下。湯崩,太丁未立,外丙二年,仲壬四年。太甲顛覆湯之典刑,伊尹放之於桐。三年,太甲悔過,自怨自艾,於桐處仁遷義;三年,以聽伊尹之訓己也,復歸於亳。 相、王,皆去聲。艾,音乂。此承上文言伊尹不有天下之事。趙氏曰:「太丁,湯之太子,未立而死。外丙立二年,仲壬立四年,皆太丁弟也。太甲,太丁子也。」程子曰「古人謂歲為年。湯崩時,外丙方二歲,仲壬方四歲,惟太甲差長,故立之也。」二說未知孰是。顛覆,壞亂也。典刑,常法也。桐,湯墓所在。艾,治也;說文云「芟草也」;蓋斬絕自新之意。亳,商所都也。

周公之不有天下,猶益之於夏,伊尹之於殷也。 此復言周公所以不有天下之意。

孔子曰:『唐虞禪,夏後、殷、周繼,其義一也。』」 禪,音擅。禪,授也。或禪或繼,皆天命也。聖人豈有私意於其閒哉?尹氏曰:「孔子曰:『唐虞禪,夏後、殷、周繼,其義一也。』孟子曰:『天與賢則與賢,天與子則與子。』知前聖之心者,無如孔子,繼孔子者,孟子而已矣。」

萬章問曰:「人有言『伊尹以割烹要湯』有諸?」孟子曰:「否,不然。伊尹耕於有莘之野,而樂堯舜之道焉。非其也,非其道也,祿之以天下,弗顧也;繫馬千駟,弗視也。非其也,非其道也,一介不以與人,一介不以取諸人,湯使人以幣聘之,囂囂然曰:『我何以湯之聘幣為哉?我豈若處畎畝之中,由是以樂堯舜之道哉?』湯三使往聘之,既而翻然改曰:『與我處畎畝之中,由是以樂堯舜之道,吾豈若使是君為堯舜之君哉?吾豈若使是民為堯舜之民哉?吾豈若於吾身親見之哉?之生此民也,使先知覺後知,使先覺覺後覺也。予,民之先覺者也;予將以斯道覺斯民也。非予覺之,而誰也?』思天下之民匹夫匹婦有不被堯舜之澤者,若己推而內之溝中。其自任以天下之重如此,故就湯而說之以伐夏救民。吾未聞枉己而正人者也,況辱己以正天下者乎?聖人之行不同也,或遠或近,或去或不去,歸潔其身而已矣。吾聞其以堯舜之道要湯,末聞以割烹也。伊訓曰:『誅造攻自牧宮,朕載自亳。』」

Legge

Wan Zhang asked Mencius, saying, 'People say that Yi Yin sought an introduction to Tang by his knowledge of cookery. Was it so?'

Mencius replied, 'No, it was not so. Yi Yin was a farmer in the lands of the prince of Xin, delighting in the principles of Yao and Shun. In any matter contrary to the righteousness which they prescribed, or contrary to their principles, though he had been offered the throne, he would not have regarded it; though there had been yoked for him a thousand teams of horses, he would not have looked at them. In any matter contrary to the righteousness which they prescribed, or contrary to their principles, he would neither have given nor taken a single straw. Tang sent persons with presents of silk to entreat him to enter his service. With an air of indifference and self-satisfaction he said, "What can I do with those silks with which Tang invites me? Is it not best for me to abide in the channelled fields, and so delight myself with the principles of Yao and Shun?" Tang thrice sent messengers to invite him. After this, with the Zhange of resolution displayed in his countenance, he spoke in a different style, "Instead of abiding in the channelled fields and thereby delighting myself with the principles of Yao and Shun, had I not better make this prince a prince like Yao or Shun, and this people like the people of Yao or Shun? Had I not better in my own person see these things for myself? "Heaven's plan in the production of mankind is this: that they who are first informed should instruct those who are later in being informed, and they who first apprehend principles should instruct those who are slower to do so. I am one of Heaven's people who have first apprehended; I will take these principles and instruct this people in them. If I do not instruct them, who will do so?" He thought that among all the people of the kingdom, even the private men and women, if there were any who did not enjoy such benefits as Yao and Shun conferred, it was as if he himself pushed them into a ditch. He took upon himself the heavy charge of the kingdom in this way, and therefore he went to Tang, and pressed upon him the subject of attacking Xia and saving the people. I have not heard of one who bent himself, and at the same time made others straight; how much less could one disgrace himself, and thereby rectify the whole kingdom? The actions of the sages have been different. Some have kept remote from court, and some have drawn near to it; some have left their offices, and some have not done so - that to which those different courses all agree is simply the keeping of their persons pure. I have heard that Yi Yin sought an introduction to Tang by the doctrines of Yao and Shun. I have not heard that he did so by his knowledge of cookery. In the "Instructions of Yi," it is said, "Heaven destroying Jie commenced attacking him in the palace of Mu. I commenced in Bo."'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章問曰:「人有言『伊尹以割烹要湯』有諸?」 要,平聲,下同。要,求也。按史記「伊尹欲行道以致君而無由,乃為有莘氏之媵臣,負鼎俎以滋味說湯,致於王道」。蓋戰國時有為此說者。

孟子曰:「否,不然。伊尹耕於有莘之野,而樂堯舜之道焉。非其義也,非其道也,祿之以天下,弗顧也;繫馬千駟,弗視也。非其義也,非其道也,一介不以與人,一介不以取諸人, 樂,音洛。莘,國名。樂堯舜之道者,誦其詩,讀其書,而欣慕愛樂之也。駟,四匹也。介與草芥之芥同。言其辭受取與,無大無細,一以道義而不苟也。

湯使人以幣聘之,囂囂然曰:『我何以湯之聘幣為哉?我豈若處畎畝之中,由是以樂堯舜之道哉?』 囂,五高反,又戶驕反。囂囂,無慾自得之貌。

湯三使往聘之,既而翻然改曰:『與我處畎畝之中,由是以樂堯舜之道,吾豈若使是君為堯舜之君哉?吾豈若使是民為堯舜之民哉?吾豈若於吾身親見之哉? 翻然,變動之貌。於吾身親見之,言於我之身親見其道之行,不徒誦說嚮慕之而已也。

天之生此民也,使先知覺後知,使先覺覺後覺也。予,天民之先覺者也;予將以斯道覺斯民也。非予覺之,而誰也?』 此亦伊尹之言也。知,謂識其事之所當然。覺,謂悟其理之所以然。覺後知後覺,如呼寐者而使之寤也。言天使者,天理當然,若使之也。程子曰:「予天民之先覺,謂我乃天生此民中,盡得民道而先覺者也。既為先覺之民,豈可不覺其未覺者。及彼之覺,亦非分我所有以予之也。皆彼自有此理,我但能覺之而已。」

思天下之民匹夫匹婦有不被堯舜之澤者,若己推而內之溝中。其自任以天下之重如此,故就湯而說之以伐夏救民。 推,吐回反。內,音納。說,音稅。書曰:「昔先正保衡作我先王,曰,『予弗克俾厥後為堯舜,其心愧恥,若撻於市』。一夫不獲,則曰『時予之辜』。」孟子之言蓋取諸此。是夏桀無道,暴虐其民,故欲使湯伐夏以救之。徐氏曰:「伊尹樂堯舜之道。堯舜揖遜,而伊尹說湯以伐夏者,時之不同,義則一也。」

吾未聞枉己而正人者也,況辱己以正天下者乎?聖人之行不同也,或遠或近,或去或不去,歸潔其身而已矣。 行,去聲。辱己甚於枉己,正天下難於正人。若伊尹以割烹要湯,辱己甚矣,何以正天下乎?遠,謂隱遁也。近,謂仕近君也。言聖人之行雖不必同,然其要歸,在潔其身而已。伊尹豈肯以割烹要湯哉?

吾聞其以堯舜之道要湯,末聞以割烹也。 林氏曰:「以堯舜之道要湯者,非實以是要之也,道在此而湯之聘自來耳。猶子貢言夫子之求之,異乎人之求之也」愚謂此語亦猶前章所論父不得而子之意。

伊訓曰:『天誅造攻自牧宮,朕載自亳。』」 伊訓,商書篇名。孟子引以證伐夏救民之事也。今〔一〕書牧宮作鳴條。造、載,皆始也。伊尹言始攻桀無道,由我始其事於亳也。〔一〕「今」原作「令」,據清仿宋大字本改。

萬章問曰:「或謂孔子於衛主癰疽,於齊主侍人瘠環,有諸乎?」孟子曰:「否,不然也。好事者為之也。於衛主顏讎由。彌子之妻與子路之妻,兄弟也。彌子謂子路曰:『孔子主我,衛卿可得也。』子路以告。孔子曰:『有命。』孔子進以,退以,得之不得曰『有命』。而主癰疽與侍人瘠環,是無無命也。孔子悅於魯衛,遭宋桓司馬將要而殺之,微服而過宋。是時孔子當阨,主司城貞子,為陳侯周臣。吾聞觀近臣,以其所為主;觀遠臣,以其所主。若孔子主癰疽與侍人瘠環,何以為孔子?」

Legge

Wan Zhang asked Mencius, saying, 'Some say that Confucius, when he was in Wei, lived with the ulcer-doctor, and when he was in Qi, with the attendant, Qi Huan; was it so?'

Mencius replied, 'No; it was not so. Those are the inventions of men fond of strange things. When he was in Wei, he lived with Yan Chou You. The wives of the officer Mi and Zi Lu were sisters, and Mi told Zi Lu, "If Confucius will lodge with me, he may attain to the dignity of a high noble of Wei." Zi Lu informed Confucius of this, and he said, "That is as ordered by Heaven." Confucius went into office according to propriety, and retired from it according to righteousness. In regard to his obtaining office or not obtaining it, he said, "That is as ordered." But if he had lodged with the attendant Qi Huan, that would neither have been according to righteousness, nor any ordering of Heaven. When Confucius, being dissatisfied in Lu and Wei, had left those States, he met with the attempt of Hwan, the Master of the Horse, of Song, to intercept and kill him. He assumed, however, the dress of a common man, and passed by Song. At that time, though he was in circumstances of distress, he lodged with the city-master Chang, who was then a minister of Zhou, the marquis of Chen. I have heard that the characters of ministers about court may be discerned from those whom they entertain, and those of stranger officers, from those with whom they lodge. If Confucius had lodged with the ulcer-doctor, and with the attendant Qi Huan, how could he have been Confucius?'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章問曰:「或謂孔子於衛主癰疽,於齊主侍人瘠環,有諸乎?」孟子曰:「否,不然也。好事者為之也。 癰,於容反。疽,七余反。好,去聲。主,謂舍於其家,以之為主人也。癰疽,瘍醫也。侍人,奄人也。瘠,姓。環,名。皆時君所近狎之人升君所近狎之人也。好事,謂喜造言生事之人也。

於衛主顏讎由。彌子之妻與子路之妻,兄弟也。彌子謂子路曰:『孔子主我,衛卿可得也。』子路以告。孔子曰:『有命。』孔子進以禮,退以義,得之不得曰『有命』。而主癰疽與侍人瘠環,是無義無命也。 讎,如字,又音犨。顏讎由,衛之賢大夫也,史記作顏濁鄒。彌子,衛靈公幸臣彌子瑕也。徐氏曰「禮主於辭遜,故進以禮;義主於制斷,故退以義。難進而易退者也,在我者有禮義而已,得之不得則有命存焉。」

孔子悅於魯衛,遭宋桓司馬將要而殺之,微服而過宋。是時孔子當阨,主司城貞子,為陳侯周臣。 要,平聲。不悅,不樂居其國也。桓司馬,宋大夫向魋也。司城貞子,亦宋大夫之賢者也。陳侯,名周。按史記:「孔子為魯司寇,齊人饋女樂以閒之,孔子遂行。適衛月餘,去衛適宋。司馬魋欲殺孔子,孔子去至陳,主於司城貞子。」孟子言孔子雖當阨難,當猶擇所主,況在齊衛無事之時,豈有主癰疽侍人之事乎?

吾聞觀近臣,以其所為主;觀遠臣,以其所主。若孔子主癰疽與侍人瘠環,何以為孔子?」 近臣,在朝之臣。遠臣,遠方來仕者。君子小人,各從其類,故觀其所為主,與其所主者,而其人可知。

萬章問曰:「或曰:『百里奚自鬻於秦養牲者,五羊之皮,食牛,以要秦穆公。』信乎?」孟子曰:「否,不然。好事者為之也。百里奚,虞人也。晉人以垂棘之璧與屈產之乘,假道於虞以伐虢。宮之奇諫,百里奚不諫。知虞公之不可諫而去,之秦,年已七十矣,曾不知以食牛干秦穆公之為污也,可謂乎?不可諫而不諫,可謂不乎?知虞公之將亡而先去之,不可謂不也。時舉於秦,知穆公之可與有行也而相之,可謂不乎?相秦而顯其君於天下,可傳於後世,不賢而能之乎?自鬻以成其君,鄉黨自好者不為,而謂賢者為之乎?」

Legge

Wan Zhang asked Mencius, 'Some say that Bai Li Xi sold himself to a cattle-keeper of Jin for the skins of five rams, and fed his oxen, in order to find an introduction to the duke Mu of Qin - was this the case?'

Mencius said, 'No; it was not so. This story was invented by men fond of strange things. Bai Li Xi was a man of Yu. The people of Jin, by the inducement of a round piece of jade from Chui Ji, and four horses of the Qu breed, borrowed a passage through Yu to attack Guo. On that occasion, Gong Zhi Qi remonstrated against granting their request, and Bai Li Xi did not remonstrate. When he knew that the duke of Yu was not to be remonstrated with, and, leaving that State, went to Qin, he had reached the age of seventy. If by that time he did not know that it would be a mean thing to seek an introduction to the duke Mu of Qin by feeding oxen, could he be called wise? But not remonstrating where it was of no use to remonstrate, could he be said not to be wise? Knowing that the duke of Yu would be ruined, and leaving him before that event, he cannot be said not to have been wise. Being then advanced in Qin, he knew that the duke Mu was one with whom he would enjoy a field for action, and became minister to him; could he, acting thus, be said not to be wise? Having become chief minister of Qin, he made his prince distinguished throughout the kingdom, and worthy of being handed down to future ages; could he have done this, if he had not been a man of talents and virtue? As to selling himself in order to accomplish all the aims of his prince, even a villager who had a regard for himself would not do such a thing; and shall we say that a man of talents and virtue did it?'

注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注

萬章問曰:「或曰:『百里奚自鬻於秦養牲者,五羊之皮,食牛,以要秦穆公。』信乎?」孟子曰:「否,不然。好事者為之也。 食,音嗣。好,去聲,下同,百里奚,虞之賢臣。人言其自賣於秦養牲者之家,得五羊之皮而為之食牛,因以干秦穆公也。

百里奚,虞人也。晉人以垂棘之璧與屈產之乘,假道於虞以伐虢。宮之奇諫,百里奚不諫。 屈,求勿反。乘,去聲。虞虢,皆國名。垂棘之璧,垂棘之地所出之璧也。屈產之乘,屈地所生之良馬也。乘,四匹也。晉欲伐虢,道經於虞,故以此物借道,其實欲并取虞。宮之奇,亦虞之賢臣。諫虞公令勿許,虞公不用,遂為晉所滅。百里奚知其不可諫,故不諫而去之。

知虞公之不可諫而去,之秦,年已七十矣,曾不知以食牛干秦穆公之為污也,可謂智乎?不可諫而不諫,可謂不智乎?知虞公之將亡而先去之,不可謂不智也。時舉於秦,知穆公之可與有行也而相之,可謂不智乎?相秦而顯其君於天下,可傳於後世,不賢而能之乎?自鬻以成其君,鄉黨自好者不為,而謂賢者為之乎?」 相,去聲。自好,自愛其身之人也。孟子言百里奚之智如此,必知食牛以干主之為污。其賢又如此,必不肯自鬻以成其君也。然此事當孟子時,已無所據。孟子直以事理反覆推之,而知其必不然耳。范氏曰:「古之聖賢未遇之時,鄙賤之事,不恥為之。如百里奚為人養牛,無足怪也。惟是人君不致敬盡禮,則不可得而見。豈有先自污辱以要其君哉?莊周曰:『百里奚爵祿不入於心,故飯牛而牛肥,使穆公忘其賤而與之政。』亦可謂知百里奚矣。伊尹、百里奚之事,皆聖賢出處之大節,故孟子不得不辯。」尹氏曰:「當時好事者之論,大率類此。蓋以其不正之心度聖賢也。」