Mencius
滕文公上 Book 3A · Téng Wén Gōng shàng
滕文公為世子，將之楚，過宋而見孟子。孟子道善，言必稱堯舜。世子自楚反，復見孟子。孟子曰：「世子疑吾言乎？夫道一而已矣。成覸謂齊景公曰：『彼丈夫也，我丈夫也，吾何畏彼哉？』顏淵曰：『舜何人也？予何人也？有為者亦若是。』公明儀曰：『文王我師也，周公豈欺我哉？』今滕，絕長補短，將五十里也，猶可以為善國。書曰：『若藥不瞑眩，厥疾不瘳。』」
When the prince, afterwards duke Wen of Teng, had to go to Chu, he went by way of Song, and visited Mencius. Mencius discoursed to him how the nature of man is good, and when speaking, always made laudatory reference to Yao and Shun.
When the prince was returning from Chu, he again visited Mencius. Mencius said to him, 'Prince, do you doubt my words? The path is one, and only one. Cheng Gan said to duke Jing of Qi, "They were men. I am a man. Why should I stand in awe of them?" Yan Yuan said, "What kind of man was Shun? What kind of man am I? He who exerts himself will also become such as he was." Gong Ming Yi said, "King Wen is my teacher. How should the duke of Zhou deceive me by those words?" Now, Teng, taking its length with its breadth, will amount, I suppose, to fifty li. It is small, but still sufficient to make a good State. It is said in the Book of History, "If medicine do not raise a commotion in the patient, his disease will not be cured by it."'
注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注
滕文公為世子，將之楚，過宋而見孟子。 世子，太子也。
孟子道性善，言必稱堯舜。 道，言也。性者，人所稟於天以生之理也，渾然至善，未嘗有惡。人與堯舜初無少異，但眾人汨於私欲而失之，堯舜則無私欲之蔽，而能充其性爾。故孟子與世子言，每道性善，而必稱堯舜以實之。欲其知仁義不假外求，聖人可學而至，而不懈於用力也。門人不能悉記其辭，而撮其大旨如此。程子曰：「性即理也。天下之理，原其所自，未有不善。喜、怒、哀、樂未發，何嘗不善。發而中節，即無往而不善；發不中節，然後為不善。故凡言善惡，皆先善而後惡；言吉凶，皆先吉而後凶；言是非，皆先是而後非。」
世子自楚反，復見孟子。孟子曰：「世子疑吾言乎？夫道一而已矣。 復，扶又反。夫，音扶。時人不知性之本善，而以聖賢為不可企及；故世子於孟子之言不能無疑，而復來求見，蓋恐別有卑近易行之說也。孟子知之，故但告之如此，以明古今聖愚本同一性，前言已盡，無復有他說也。
成覸謂齊景公曰：『彼丈夫也，我丈夫也，吾何畏彼哉？』顏淵曰：『舜何人也？予何人也？有為者亦若是。』公明儀曰：『文王我師也，周公豈欺我哉？』 覸，古莧反。成覸，人姓名。彼，謂聖賢也。有為者亦若是，言人能有為，則皆如舜也。公明，姓；儀，名；魯賢人也。文王我師也，蓋周公之言。公明儀亦以文王為必可師，故誦周公之言，而歎其不我欺也。孟子既告世子以道無二致，而復引此三言以明之，欲世子篤信力行，以師聖賢，不當復求他說也。
今滕，絕長補短，將五十里也，猶可以為善國。書曰：『若藥不瞑眩，厥疾不瘳。』」 瞑，莫甸反。眩，音縣。絕，猶截也。書商書說命篇。瞑眩，憒亂。言滕國雖小，猶足為治，但恐安於卑近，不能自克，則不足以去惡而為善也。愚按：孟子之言性善，始見於此，而詳具於告子之篇。然默識而旁通之，則七篇之中，無非此理。其所以擴前聖之未發，而有功於聖人之門，程子之言信矣。
滕定公薨。世子謂然友曰：「昔者孟子嘗與我言於宋，於心終不忘。今也不幸至於大故，吾欲使子問於孟子，然後行事。」然友之鄒問於孟子。孟子曰：「不亦善乎！親喪固所自盡也。曾子曰：『生，事之以；死，葬之以，祭之以，可謂矣。』諸侯之，吾未之學也；雖然，吾嘗聞之矣。三年之喪，齊疏之服，飦粥之食，自天子達於庶人，三代共之。」然友反命，定為三年之喪。父兄百官皆不欲，曰：「吾宗國魯先君莫之行，吾先君亦莫之行也，至於子之身而反之，不可。且志曰：『喪祭從先祖。』」曰：「吾有所受之也。」謂然友曰：「吾他日未嘗學問，好馳馬試劍。今也父兄百官不我足也，恐其不能盡於大事，子為我問孟子。」然友復之鄒問孟子。孟子曰：「然。不可以他求者也。孔子曰：『君薨，聽於塚宰。歠粥，面深墨。即位而哭，百官有司，莫敢不哀，先之也。』上有好者，下必有甚焉者矣。『之德，風也；小人之德，草也。草尚之風必偃。』是在世子。」然友反命。世子曰：「然。是誠在我。」五月居廬，未有命戒。百官族人可謂曰知。及至葬，四方來觀之，顏色之戚，哭泣之哀，吊者大悅。
When the duke Ding of Teng died, the prince said to Ran You, 'Formerly, Mencius spoke with me in Song, and in my mind I have never forgotten his words. Now, alas! this great duty to my father devolves upon me; I wish to send you to ask the advice of Mencius, and then to proceed to its various services'
Ran You accordingly proceeded to Zou, and consulted Mencius. Mencius said, 'Is this not good? In discharging the funeral duties to parents, men indeed feel constrained to do their utmost. The philosopher Zeng said, "When parents are alive, they should be served according to propriety; when they are dead, they should be buried according to propriety; and they should be sacrificed to according to propriety - this may be called filial piety." The ceremonies to be observed by the princes I have not learned, but I have heard these points: that the three years' mourning, the garment of coarse cloth with its lower edge even, and the eating of congee, were equally prescribed by the three dynasties, and binding on all, from the sovereign to the mass of the people.'
Ran You reported the execution of his commission, and the prince determined that the three years' mourning should be observed. His aged relatives, and the body of the officers, did not wish that it should be so, and said, 'The former princes of Lu, that kingdom which we honour, have, none of them, observed this practice, neither have any of our own former princes observed it. For you to act contrary to their example is not proper. Moreover, the History says, "In the observances of mourning and sacrifice, ancestors are to be followed," meaning that they received those things from a proper source to hand them down.' The prince said again to Ran You, 'Hitherto, I have not given myself to the pursuit of learning, but have found my pleasure in horsemanship and sword-exercise, and now I don't come up to the wishes of my aged relatives and the officers. I am afraid I may not be able to discharge my duty in the great business that I have entered on; do you again consult Mencius for me.'
On this, Ran You went again to Zou, and consulted Mencius. Mencius said, 'It is so, but he may not seek a remedy in others, but only in himself. Confucius said, "When a prince dies, his successor entrusts the administration to the prime minister. He sips the congee. His face is of a deep black. He approaches the place of mourning, and weeps. Of all the officers and inferior ministers there is not one who will presume not to join in the lamentation, he setting them this example. What the superior loves, his inferiors will be found to love exceedingly. The relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and grass. The grass must bend when the wind blows upon it." The business depends on the prince.'
Ran You returned with this answer to his commission, and the prince said, 'It is so. The matter does indeed depend on me.' So for five months he dwelt in the shed, without issuing an order or a caution. All the officers and his relatives said, 'He may be said to understand the ceremonies.' When the time of interment arrived, they came from all quarters of the State to witness it. Those who had come from other States to condole with him, were greatly pleased with the deep dejection of his countenance and the mournfulness of his wailing and weeping.
注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注
滕定公薨。世子謂然友曰：「昔者孟子嘗與我言於宋，於心終不忘。今也不幸至於大故，吾欲使子問於孟子，然後行事。」 定公，文公父也。然友，世子之傅也。大故，大喪也。事，謂喪禮。
然友之鄒問於孟子。孟子曰：「不亦善乎！親喪固所自盡也。曾子曰：『生，事之以禮；死，葬之以禮，祭之以禮，可謂孝矣。』諸侯之禮，吾未之學也；雖然，吾嘗聞之矣。三年之喪，齊疏之服，飦粥之食，自天子達於庶人，三代共之。」 齊，音資。疏，所居反。飦，諸延〔一〕反。當時諸侯莫能行古喪禮，而文公獨能以此為問，故孟子善之。又言父母之喪，固人子之心所自盡者。蓋悲哀之情，痛疾之意，非自外至，宜乎文公於此有所不能自已也。但所引曾子之言，本孔子告樊遲者，豈曾子嘗誦之以告其門人歟？三年之喪者，子生三年，然後免於父母之懷。故父母之喪，必以三年也。齊，衣下縫也。不緝曰斬衰，緝之曰齊衰。疏，麤也，麤布也。飦，糜也。喪禮：三日始食粥。既葬，乃疏食。此古今貴賤通行之禮也。
然友反命，定為三年之喪。父兄百官皆不欲，曰：「吾宗國魯先君莫之行，吾先君亦莫之行也，至於子之身而反之，不可。且志曰：『喪祭從先祖。』」曰：「吾有所受之也。」 父兄，同姓老臣也。滕與魯俱文王之後，而魯祖周公為長。兄弟宗之，故滕謂魯為宗國也。然謂二國不行三年之喪者，乃其後世之失，非周公之法本然也。志，記也，引志之言而釋其意。以為所以如此者，蓋為上世以來，有所傳受；雖或不同，不可改也。然志所言，本謂先王之世舊俗所傳，禮文小異而可以通行者耳，不謂後世失禮之甚者也。
謂然友曰：「吾他日未嘗學問，好馳馬試劍。今也父兄百官不我足也，恐其不能盡於大事，子為我問孟子。」然友復之鄒問孟子。孟子曰：「然。不可以他求者也。孔子曰：『君薨，聽於塚宰。歠粥，面深墨。即位而哭，百官有司，莫敢不哀，先之也。』上有好者，下必有甚焉者矣。『君子之德，風也；小人之德，草也。草尚之風必偃。』是在世子。」 好、為，皆去聲。復，扶又反。歠，川悅反。不我足，謂不以我滿足其意也。然者，然其不我足之言。不可他求者，言當責之於己。塚宰，六卿之長也。歠，飲也。深墨，甚黑色也。即，就也。尚，加也。論語作上，古字通也。偃，伏也。孟子言但在世子自盡其哀而已。
然友反命。世子曰：「然。是誠在我。」五月居廬，未有命戒。百官族人可謂曰知。及至葬，四方來觀之，顏色之戚，哭泣之哀，吊者大悅。 諸侯五月而葬，未葬，居倚廬於中門之外。居喪不言，故未有命令教戒也。可謂曰知，疑有闕誤。或曰「皆謂世子之知禮也。」林氏曰：「孟子之時，喪禮既壞，然三年之喪，惻隱之心，痛疾之意，出於人心之所固有者，初未嘗亡也。惟其溺於流俗之弊，是以喪其良心而不自知耳。文公見孟子而聞性善堯舜之說，則固有以啟發其良心矣，是以至此而哀痛之誠心發焉。及其父兄百官皆不欲行，則亦反躬自責，悼其前行之不足以取信，而不敢有非其父兄百官之心。雖其資質有過人者，而學問之力，亦不可誣也。及其斷然行之，而遠近見聞無不悅服，則以人心之所同然者，自我發之，而彼之心悅誠服，亦有所不期然而然者。人性之善，豈不信哉？」〔一〕「延」原作「筵」，據清仿宋大字本改。
滕文公問為國。孟子曰：「民事不可緩也。詩云：『晝爾於茅，宵爾索綯；亟其乘屋，其始播百榖。』民之為道也，有恆產者有恆心，無恆產者無恆心。苟無恆心，放辟邪侈，無不為已。及陷乎罪，然後從而刑之，是罔民也。焉有人在位，罔民而可為也？是故賢君必恭儉下，取於民有制。陽虎曰：『為富不矣，為不富矣。』夏后氏五十而貢，殷人七十而助，周人百畝而徹，其實皆什一也。徹者，徹也；助者，借也。龍子曰：『治地莫善於助，莫不善於貢。貢者校數歲之中以為常。樂歲，粒米狼戾，多取之而不為虐，則寡取之；凶年，糞其田而不足，則必取盈焉。為民父母，使民盻盻然，將終歲勤動，不得以養其父母，又稱貸而益之。使老稚轉乎溝壑，惡在其為民父母也？』夫世祿，滕固行之矣。詩云：『雨我公田，遂及我私。』惟助為有公田。由此觀之，雖周亦助也。設為庠序學校以教之：庠者，養也；校者，教也；序者，射也。夏曰校，殷曰序，周曰庠，學則三代共之，皆所以明人倫也。人倫明於上，小民親於下。有王者起，必來取法，是為王者師也。詩云『周雖舊邦，其命惟新』，文王之謂也。子力行之，亦以新子之國。」使畢戰問井地。孟子曰：「子之君將行政，選擇而使子，子必勉之！夫政，必自經界始。經界不正，井地不鈞，谷祿不平。是故暴君污吏必慢其經界。經界既正，分田制祿可坐而定也。夫滕壤地褊小，將為焉，將為野人焉。無莫治野人，無野人莫養。請野九一而助，國中什一使自賦。卿以下必有圭田，圭田五十畝。余夫二十五畝。死徙無出鄉，鄉田同井。出入相友，守望相助，疾病相扶持，則百姓親睦。方里而井，井九百畝，其中為公田。八家皆私百畝，同養公田。公事畢，然後敢治私事，所以別野人也。此其大略也。若夫潤澤之，則在君與子矣。」
The duke Wen of Teng asked Mencius about the proper way of governing a kingdom. Mencius said, 'The business of the people may not be remissly attended to. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "In the day-light go and gather the grass, And at night twist your ropes; Then get up quickly on the roofs; Soon must we begin sowing again the grain." The way of the people is this: If they have a certain livelihood, they will have a fixed heart; if they have not a certain livelihood, they have not a fixed heart. If they have not a fixed heart, there is nothing which they will not do in the way of self-abandonment, of moral deflection, of depravity, and of wild license. When they have thus been involved in crime, to follow them up and punish them - this is to entrap the people. How can such a thing as entrapping the people be done under the rule of a benevolent man? Therefore, a ruler who is endowed with talents and virtue will be gravely complaisant and economical, showing a respectful politeness to his ministers, and taking from the people only in accordance with regulated limits. Yang Hu said, "He who seeks to be rich will not be benevolent. He who wishes to be benevolent will not be rich."
'The sovereign of the Xia dynasty enacted the fifty mu allotment, and the payment of a tax. The founder of the Yin enacted the seventy mu allotment, and the system of mutual aid. The founder of the Zhou enacted the hundred mu allotment, and the share system. In reality, what was paid in all these was a tithe. The share system means mutual division. The aid system means mutual dependence. Long said, "For regulating the lands, there is no better system than that of mutual aid, and none which is not better than that of taxing. By the tax system, the regular amount was fixed by taking the average of several years. In good years, when the grain lies about in abundance, much might be taken without its being oppressive, and the actual exaction would be small. But in bad years, the produce being not sufficient to repay the manuring of the fields, this system still requires the taking of the full amount. When the parent of the people causes the people to wear looks of distress, and, after the whole year's toil, yet not to be able to nourish their parents, so that they proceed to borrowing to increase their means, till the old people and children are found lying in the ditches and water-channels - where, in such a case, is his parental relation to the people?" As to the system of hereditary salaries, that is already observed in Teng. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "May the rain come down on our public field, And then upon our private fields!" It is only in the system of mutual aid that there is a public field, and from this passage we perceive that even in the Zhou dynasty this system has been recognised.
'Establish Xiang, Xu, Xue, and Xiao, all those educational institutions, for the instruction of the people. The name Xiang indicates nourishing as its object; Xiao, indicates teaching; and Xu indicates archery. By the Xia dynasty the name Xiao was used; by the Yin, that of Xu; and by the Zhou, that of Xiang. As to the Xue, they belonged to the three dynasties, and by that name. The object of them all is to illustrate the human relations. When those are thus illustrated by superiors, kindly feeling will prevail among the inferior people below. Should a real sovereign arise, he will certainly come and take an example from you; and thus you will be the teacher of the true sovereign. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "Although Zhou was an old country, It received a new destiny." That is said with reference to king Wen. Do you practise those things with vigour, and you also will by them make new your kingdom.'
The duke afterwards sent Bi Zhan to consult Mencius about the nine-squares system of dividing the land. Mencius said to him, 'Since your prince, wishing to put in practice a benevolent government, has made choice of you and put you into this employment, you must exert yourself to the utmost. Now, the first thing towards a benevolent government must be to lay down the boundaries. If the boundaries be not defined correctly, the division of the land into squares will not be equal, and the produce available for salaries will not be evenly distributed. On this account, oppressive rulers and impure ministers are sure to neglect this defining of the boundaries. When the boundaries have been defined correctly, the division of the fields and the regulation of allowances may be determined by you, sitting at your ease. Although the territory of Teng is narrow and small, yet there must be in it men of a superior grade, and there must be in it country-men. If there were not men of a superior grade, there would be none to rule the country-men. If there were not country-men, there would be none to support the men of superior grade. I would ask you, in the remoter districts, observing the nine-squares division, to reserve one division to be cultivated on the system of mutual aid, and in the more central parts of the kingdom, to make the people pay for themselves a tenth part of their produce. From the highest officers down to the lowest, each one must have his holy field, consisting of fifty mu. Let the supernumerary males have their twenty-five mu. On occasions of death, or removal from one dwelling to another, there will be no quitting the district. In the fields of a district, those who belong to the same nine squares render all friendly offices to one another in their going out and coming in, aid one another in keeping watch and ward, and sustain one another in sickness. Thus the people are brought to live in affection and harmony. A square li covers nine squares of land, which nine squares contain nine hundred mu. The central square is the public field, and eight families, each having its private hundred mu, cultivate in common the public field. And not till the public work is finished, may they presume to attend to their private affairs. This is the way by which the country-men are distinguished from those of a superior grade. Those are the great outlines of the system. Happily to modify and adapt it depends on the prince and you.'
注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注
滕文公問為國。 文公以禮聘孟子，故孟子至滕，而文公問之。
孟子曰：「民事不可緩也。詩云：『晝爾於茅，宵爾索綯；亟其乘屋，其始播百榖。』 綯，音陶。亟，紀力反。民事，謂農事。詩豳風七月之篇。於，往取也。綯，絞也。亟，絞也。亟，急也。乘，升也。播，布也。言農事至重，人君不可以為緩而忽之。故引詩言治屋之急如此者，蓋以來春將復始播百榖，而不暇為此也。
民之為道也，有恆產者有恆心，無恆產者無恆心。苟無恆心，放辟邪侈，無不為已。及陷乎罪，然後從而刑之，是罔民也。焉有仁人在位，罔民而可為也？ 音義並見前篇。
是故賢君必恭儉禮下，取於民有制。 恭則能以禮接下，儉則能取民以制。
陽虎曰：『為富不仁矣，為仁不富矣。』 陽虎，陽貨，魯季氏家臣也。天理人欲，不容並立。虎之言此，恐為仁之害於富也；孟子引之，恐為富之害於仁也。君子小人，每相反而已矣。
夏后氏五十而貢，殷人七十而助，周人百畝而徹，其實皆什一也。徹者，徹也；助者，借也。 徹，敕列反。借，子夜反。此以下，乃言制民常產，與其取之之制也。夏時一夫授田五十畝，而每夫計其五畝之入以為貢。商人始為井田之制，以六百三十畝之地，畫為九區，區七十畝。中為公田，其外八家各授一區，但借其力以助耕公田，而不復稅其私田。周時一夫授田百畝。鄉遂用貢法，十夫有溝；都鄙用助法，八家同井。耕則通力而作，收則計畝而分，故謂之徹。其實皆什一者，貢法固以十分之一為常數，惟助法乃是九一，而商制不可考。周制則公田百畝，中以二十畝為廬舍，一夫所耕公田實計十畝。通私田百畝，為十一分而取其一，蓋又輕於什一矣。竊料商制亦當似此，而以十四畝為廬舍，一夫實耕公田七畝，是亦不過什一也。徹，通也，均也。借，借也。
龍子曰：『治地莫善於助，莫不善於貢。貢者校數歲之中以為常。樂歲，粒米狼戾，多取之而不為虐，則寡取之；凶年，糞其田而不足，則必取盈焉。為民父母，使民盻盻然，將終歲勤動，不得以養其父母，又稱貸而益之。使老稚轉乎溝壑，惡在其為民父母也？』 樂，音洛。盻，五禮反，從目從兮。或音普莧反者非。養，去聲。惡，平聲。龍子，古賢人。狼戾，猶狼借，言多也。糞，壅〔一〕也。盈，滿也。盻，恨視也。勤動，勞苦也。稱，舉也。貸，借也。取物於人，而出息以償之也。益之，以足取盈之數也。稚，幼子也。
夫世祿，滕固行之矣。 夫，音扶。孟子嘗言文王治岐，耕者九一，仕者世祿，二者王政之本也。今世祿滕已行之，惟助法未行，故取於民者無制耳。蓋世祿者，授之土田，使之食其公田之入，實與助法相為表裏，所以使君子野人各有定業，而上下相安者也，故下文遂言助法。
詩云：『雨我公田，遂及我私。』惟助為有公田。由此觀之，雖周亦助也。 雨，於付反。詩小雅大田之篇。雨，降雨也。言願天雨於公田，而遂及私田，先公而後私也。當時助法盡廢，典籍不存，惟有此詩，可見周亦用助，故引之也。
設為庠序學校以教之：庠者，養也；校者，教也；序者，射也。夏曰校，殷曰序，周曰庠，學則三代共之，皆所以明人倫也。人倫明於上，小民親於下。 庠以養老為義，校以教民為義，序以習射為義，皆鄉學也。學，國學也。共之，無異名也。倫，序也。父子有親，君臣有義，夫婦有別，長幼有序，朋友有信，此人之大倫也。庠序學校，皆以明此而已。
有王者起，必來取法，是為王者師也。 滕國褊小，雖行仁政，未必能興王業；然為王者師，則雖不有天下，而其澤亦足以及天下矣。聖賢至公無我之心，於此可見。
詩云『周雖舊邦，其命惟新』，文王之謂也。子力行之，亦以新子之國。」 詩大雅文王之篇。言周雖后稷以來，舊為諸侯，其受天命而有天下，則自文王始也。子，指文公，諸侯未踰年之稱也。
使畢戰問井地。孟子曰：「子之君將行仁政，選擇而使子，子必勉之！夫仁政，必自經界始。經界不正，井地不鈞，谷祿不平。是故暴君污吏必慢其經界。經界既正，分田制祿可坐而定也。 夫，音扶。畢戰，滕臣。文公因孟子之言，而使畢戰主為井地之事，故又使之來問其詳也。井地，即井田也。經界，謂治地分田，經畫其溝塗封植之界也。此法不修，則田無定分，而豪強得以兼并，故井地有不釣；賦無定法，而貪暴得以多取，故谷祿有不平。此欲行仁政者之所以必從此始，而暴君污吏則必欲慢而廢之也。有以正之，則分田制祿，可不勞而定矣。
夫滕壤地褊小，將為君子焉，將為野人焉。無君子莫治野人，無野人莫養君子。 夫，音扶。養，去聲。言滕地雖小，然其閒亦必有為君子而仕者，亦必有為野人而耕者，是以分田制祿之法，不可偏廢也。
請野九一而助，國中什一使自賦。 此分田制祿之常法，所以治野人使養君子也。野，郊外都鄙之地也。九一而助，為公田而行助法也。國中，郊門之內，鄉遂之地也。田不井授，但為溝洫，使什而自賦其一，蓋用貢法也。周所謂徹法者蓋如此，以此推之，當時非惟助法不行，其貢亦不止什一矣。
卿以下必有圭田，圭田五十畝。 此世祿常制之外，又有圭田，所以厚君子也。圭，潔也，所以奉祭祀也。不言世祿者，滕已行之，但此未備耳。
余夫二十五畝。 程子曰：「一夫上父母，下妻子，以五口八口為率，受田百畝。如有弟，是余夫也。年十六，別受田二十五畝，俟其壯而有室，然後更受百畝之田。」愚按：此百畝常制之外，又有餘夫之田，以厚野人也。
死徙無出鄉，鄉田同井。出入相友，守望相助，疾病相扶持，則百姓親睦。 死，謂葬也。徙，謂徙其居也。同井者，八家也。友，猶伴也。守望，防寇盜也。
方里而井，井九百畝，其中為公田。八家皆私百畝，同養公田。公事畢，然後敢治私事，所以別野人也。 養，去聲。別，彼列反。此詳言井田形體之制，乃周之助法也。公田以為君子之祿，而私田野人之所受。先公後私，所以別君子野人之分也。不言君子，據野人而言，省文耳。上言野及國中二法，此獨詳於治野者，國中貢法，當時已行，但取之過於什一爾。
此其大略也。若夫潤澤之，則在君與子矣。」 夫，音扶。井地之法，諸侯皆去其籍，此特其大略而已。潤澤，謂因時制宜，使合於人情，宜於土俗，而不失乎先王之意也。呂氏曰：「子張子慨然有意三代之治。論治人先務，未始不以經界為急。講求法制，粲然備具。要之可以行於今，如有用我者，舉而措之耳。嘗曰：『仁政必自經界始。貧富不均，教養無法；雖欲言治，皆苟而已。世之病難行者，未始不以亟奪富人之田為辭。然茲法之行，悅之者眾。苟處之有術，期以數年，不刑一人而可復。所病者，特上之未行耳。』乃言曰：『縱不能行之天下，猶可驗之一鄉。』方與學者議古之法，買田一方，畫為數井。上不失公家之賦役。退以其私，正經界，分宅里，立斂法，廣儲蓄，興學校，成禮俗，救菑恤患，厚本抑末。足以推先王之遺法，明當今之可行。有志未就而卒。」愚按：喪禮經界兩章，見孟子之學，識其大者。是以雖當禮法廢壞之後，制度節文不可復考，而能因略以致詳，推舊而為新；不屑屑於既往之跡，而能合乎先王之意，真可謂命世亞聖之才矣。〔一〕「壅」原作「擁」，據清仿宋大字本改。
有為神農之言者許行，自楚之滕，踵門而告文公曰：「遠方之人聞君行政，願受一廛而為氓。」文公與之處，其徒數十人，皆衣褐，捆屨、織席以為食。陳良之徒陳相與其弟辛，負耒耜而自宋之滕，曰：「聞君行聖人之政，是亦聖人也，願為聖人氓。」陳相見許行而大悅，盡棄其學而學焉。陳相見孟子，道許行之言曰：「滕君，則誠賢君也；雖然，未聞道也。賢者與民並耕而食，饔飧而治。今也滕有倉廩府庫，則是厲民而以自養也，惡得賢？」孟子曰：「許子必種粟而後食乎？」曰：「然。」「許子必織布而後衣乎？」曰：「否。許子衣褐。」「許子冠乎？」曰：「冠。」曰：「奚冠？」曰：「冠素。」曰：「自織之與？」曰：「否。以粟易之。」曰：「許子奚為不自織？」曰：「害於耕。」曰：「許子以釜甑爨，以鐵耕乎？」曰：「然。」「自為之與？」曰：「否。以粟易之。」「以粟易械器者，不為厲陶冶；陶冶亦以其械器易粟者，豈為厲農夫哉？且許子何不為陶冶。舍皆取諸其宮中而用之？何為紛紛然與百工交易？何許子之不憚煩？」曰：「百工之事，固不可耕且為也。」「然則治天下獨可耕且為與？有大人之事，有小人之事。且一人之身，而百工之所為備。如必自為而後用之，是率天下而路也。故曰：或勞心，或勞力；勞心者治人，勞力者治於人；治於人者食人，治人者食於人：天下之通也。當堯之時，天下猶未平，洪水橫流，氾濫於天下。草木暢茂，禽獸繁殖，五穀不登，禽獸偪人。獸蹄鳥跡之道，交於中國。堯獨憂之，舉舜而敷治焉。舜使益掌火，益烈山澤而焚之，禽獸逃匿。禹疏九河，瀹濟漯，而注諸海；決汝漢，排淮泗，而注之江，然後中國可得而食也。當是時也，禹八年於外，三過其門而不入，雖欲耕，得乎？后稷教民稼穡。樹藝五穀，五穀熟而民人育。人之有道也，飽食、暖衣、逸居而無教，則近於禽獸。聖人有憂之，使契為司徒，教以人倫：父子有親，君臣有，夫婦有別，長幼有序，朋友有。放勳曰：『勞之來之，匡之直之，輔之翼之，使自得之，又從而振德之。』聖人之憂民如此，而暇耕乎？堯以不得舜為己憂，舜以不得禹、皋陶為己憂。夫以百畝之不易為己憂者，農夫也。分人以財謂之惠，教人以善謂之忠，為天下得人者謂之。是故以天下與人易，為天下得人難。孔子曰：『大哉堯之為君！惟為大，惟堯則之，蕩蕩乎民無能名焉！君哉舜也！巍巍乎有天下而不與焉！』堯舜之治天下，豈無所用其心哉？亦不用於耕耳。吾聞用夏變夷者，未聞變於夷者也。陳良，楚產也。悅周公、仲尼之道，北學於中國。北方之學者，未能或之先也。彼所謂豪傑之士也。子之兄弟事之數十年，師死而遂倍之。昔者孔子沒，三年之外，門人治任將歸，入揖於子貢，相向而哭，皆失聲，然後歸。子貢反，築室於場，獨居三年，然後歸。他日，子夏、子張、子游以有若似聖人，欲以所事孔子事之，強曾子。曾子曰：『不可。江漢以濯之，秋陽以暴之，皜皜乎不可尚已。』今也南蠻鴃舌之人，非先王之道，子倍子之師而學之，亦異於曾子矣。吾聞出於幽谷遷於喬木者，末聞下喬木而入於幽谷者。魯頌曰：『戎狄是膺，荊舒是懲。』周公方且膺之，子是之學，亦為不善變矣。」「從許子之道，則市賈不貳，國中無偽。雖使五尺之童適市，莫之或欺。布帛長短同，則賈相若；麻縷絲絮輕重同，則賈相若；五穀多寡同，則賈相若；屨大小同，則賈相若。」曰：「夫物之不齊，物之情也；或相倍蓰，或相什伯，或相千萬。子比而同之，是亂天下也。巨屨小屨同賈，人豈為之哉？從許子之道，相率而為偽者也，惡能治國家？」
There came from Chu to Teng one Xu Xing, who gave out that he acted according to the words of Shen Nong. Coming right to his gate, he addressed the duke Wen, saying, 'A man of a distant region, I have heard that you, Prince, are practising a benevolent government, and I wish to receive a site for a house, and to become one of your people.' The duke Wen gave him a dwelling-place. His disciples, amounting to several tens, all wore clothes of haircloth, and made sandals of hemp and wove mats for a living.
At the same time, Chen Xiang, a disciple of Chen Liang, and his younger brother, Xin, with their plough-handles and shares on their backs, came from Song to Teng, saying, 'We have heard that you, Prince, are putting into practice the government of the ancient sages, showing that you are likewise a sage. We wish to become the subjects of a sage.' When Chen Xiang saw Xu Xing, he was greatly pleased with him, and, abandoning entirely whatever he had learned, became his disciple.
Having an interview with Mencius, he related to him with approbation the words of Xu Xing to the following effect: 'The prince of Teng is indeed a worthy prince. He has not yet heard, however, the real doctrines of antiquity. Now, wise and able princes should cultivate the ground equally and along with their people, and eat the fruit of their labour. They should prepare their own meals, morning and evening, while at the same time they carry on their government. But now, the prince of T'ang has his granaries, treasuries, and arsenals, which is an oppressing of the people to nourish himself. How can he be deemed a real worthy prince?'
Mencius said,'I suppose that Xu Xing sows grain and eats the produce. Is it not so?' 'It is so,' was the answer.
'I suppose also he weaves cloth, and wears his own manufacture. Is it not so?' 'No. Xu wears clothes of haircloth.'
'Does he wear a cap?' 'He wears a cap.'
'What kind of cap?' 'A plain cap.'
'Is it woven by himself?' 'No. He gets it in exchange for grain.'
'Why does Xu not weave it himself?' 'That would injure his husbandry.'
'Does Xu cook his food in boilers and earthenware pans, and does he plough with an iron share?' 'Yes.'
'Does he make those articles himself?' 'No. He gets them in exchange for grain.'
Mencius then said, 'The getting those various articles in exchange for grain, is not oppressive to the potter and the founder, and the potter and the founder in their turn, in exchanging their various articles for grain, are not oppressive to the husbandman. How should such a thing be supposed? And moreover, why does not Xu act the potter and founder, supplying himself with the articles which he uses solely from his own establishment? Why does he go confusedly dealing and exchanging with the handicraftsmen? Why does he not spare himself so much trouble?' Chen Xiang replied, 'The business of the handicraftsman can by no means be carried on along with the business of husbandry.'
Mencius resumed, 'Then, is it the government of the kingdom which alone can be carried on along with the practice of husbandry? Great men have their proper business, and little men have their proper business. Moreover, in the case of any single individual, whatever articles he can require are ready to his hand, being produced by the various handicraftsmen - if he must first make them for his own use, this way of doing would keep all the people running about upon the roads. Hence, there is the saying, "Some labour with their minds, and some labour with their strength. Those who labour with their minds govern others; those who labour with their strength are governed by others. Those who are governed by others support them; those who govern others are supported by them." This is a principle universally recognised.
'In the time of Yao, when the world had not yet been perfectly reduced to order, the vast waters, flowing out of their channels, made a universal inundation. Vegetation was luxuriant, and birds and beasts swarmed. The various kinds of grain could not be grown. The birds and beasts pressed upon men. The paths marked by the feet of beasts and prints of birds crossed one another throughout the Middle Kingdom. To Yao alone this caused anxious sorrow. He raised Shun to office, and measures to regulate the disorder were set forth. Shun committed to Yi the direction of the fire to be employed, and Yi set fire to, and consumed, the forests and vegetation on the mountains and in the marshes, so that the birds and beasts fled away to hide themselves. Yu separated the nine streams, cleared the courses of the Ji and Ta, and led them all to the sea. He opened a vent also for the Ru and Han, and regulated the course of the Huai and Si, so that they all flowed into the Jiang. When this was done, it became possible for the people of the Middle Kingdom to cultivate the ground and get food for themselves. During that time, Yu was eight years away from his home, and though he thrice passed the door of it, he did not enter. Although he had wished to cultivate the ground, could he have done so? The Minister of Agriculture taught the people to sow and reap, cultivating the five kinds of grain. When the five kinds of grain were brought to maturity, the people all obtained a subsistence. But men possess a moral nature; and if they are well fed, warmly clad, and comfortably lodged, without being taught at the same time, they become almost like the beasts. This was a subject of anxious solicitude to the sage Shun, and he appointed Xie to be the Minister of Instruction, to teach the relations of humanity: how, between father and son, there should be affection; between sovereign and minister, righteousness; between husband and wife, attention to their separate functions; between old and young, a proper order; and between friends, fidelity. The high meritorious sovereign said to him, "Encourage them; lead them on; rectify them; straighten them; help them; give them wings - thus causing them to become possessors of themselves. Then follow this up by stimulating them, and conferring benefits on them." When the sages were exercising their solicitude for the people in this way, had they leisure to cultivate the ground?
'What Yao felt giving him anxiety was the not getting Shun. What Shun felt giving him anxiety was the not getting Yu and Gao Yao. But he whose anxiety is about his hundred mu not being properly cultivated, is a mere husbandman. The imparting by a man to others of his wealth, is called "kindness." The teaching others what is good, is called "the exercise of fidelity." The finding a man who shall benefit the kingdom, is called "benevolence." Hence to give the throne to another man would be easy; to find a man who shall benefit the kingdom is difficult. Confucius said, "Great indeed was Yao as a sovereign. It is only Heaven that is great, and only Yao corresponded to it. How vast was his virtue! The people could find no name for it. Princely indeed was Shun! How majestic was he, having possession of the kingdom, and yet seeming as if it were nothing to him!" In their governing the kingdom, were there no subjects on which Yao and Shun employed their minds? There were subjects, only they did not employ their minds on the cultivation of the ground.
'I have heard of men using the doctrines of our great land to change barbarians, but I have never yet heard of any being changed by barbarians. Chen Liang was a native of Chu. Pleased with the doctrines of Zhou Gong and Zhong Ni, he came northwards to the Middle Kingdom and studied them. Among the scholars of the northern regions, there was perhaps no one who excelled him. He was what you call a scholar of high and distinguished qualities. You and your brother followed him some tens of years, and when your master died, you forthwith turned away from him. Formerly, when Confucius died, after three vears had elapsed, his disciples collected their baggage, and prepared to return to their several homes. But on entering to take their leave of Zi Gong, as they looked towards one another, they wailed, till they all lost their voices. After this they returned to their homes, but Zi Gong went back, and built a house for himself on the altar-ground, where he lived alone other three years, before he returned home. On another occasion, Zi Xia, Zi Zhang, and Zi You, thinking that You Ruo resembled the sage, wished to render to him the same observances which they had rendered to Confucius. They tried to force the disciple Zeng to join with them, but he said, "This may not be done. What has been washed in the waters of the Jiang and Han, and bleached in the autumn sun - how glistening is it! Nothing can be added to it." Now here is this shrike-tongued barbarian of the south, whose doctrines are not those of the ancient kings. You turn away from your master and become his disciple. Your conduct is different indeed from that of the philosopher Zeng. I have heard of birds leaving dark valleys to remove to lofty trees, but I have not heard of their descending from lofty trees to enter into dark valleys. In the Praise-songs of Lu it is said, "He smote the barbarians of the west and the north, He punished Jing and Shu." Thus Zhou Gong would be sure to smite them, and you become their disciple again; it appears that your change is not good.'
Chen Xiang said, 'If Xu's doctrines were followed, then there would not be two prices in the market, nor any deceit in the kingdom. If a boy of five cubits were sent to the market, no one would impose on him; linen and silk of the same length would be of the same price. So it would be with bundles of hemp and silk, being of the same weight; with the different kinds of grain, being the same in quantity; and with shoes which were of the same size.' Mencius replied, 'It is the nature of things to be of unequal quality. Some are twice, some five times, some ten times, some a hundred times, some a thousand times, some ten thousand times as valuable as others. If you reduce them all to the same standard, that must throw the kingdom into confusion. If large shoes and small shoes were of the same price, who would make them? For people to follow the doctrines of Xu, would be for them to lead one another on to practise deceit. How can they avail for the government of a State?'
注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注
有為神農之言者許行，自楚之滕，踵門而告文公曰：「遠方之人聞君行仁政，願受一廛而為氓。」文公與之處，其徒數十人，皆衣褐，捆屨、織席以為食。 衣，去聲。捆，音閫。神農，炎帝神農氏。始為耒耜，教民稼穡者也。為其言者，史遷所謂農家者流也。許，姓，行，名也。踵門，足至門也。仁政，上章所言井地之法也。廛，民所居也。氓，野人之稱。褐，毛布，賤者之服也。捆，扣椓之欲其堅也。以為食，賣以供食也。程子曰：「許行所謂神農之言，乃後世稱述上古之事，失其義理者耳，猶陰陽、醫、方稱黃帝之說也。」
陳良之徒陳相與其弟辛，負耒耜而自宋之滕，曰：「聞君行聖人之政，是亦聖人也，願為聖人氓。」 陳良，楚之儒者。耜，所以起土。耒，其柄也。
陳相見許行而大悅，盡棄其學而學焉。陳相見孟子，道許行之言曰：「滕君，則誠賢君也；雖然，未聞道也。賢者與民並耕而食，饔飧而治。今也滕有倉廩府庫，則是厲民而以自養也，惡得賢？」 饔，音雍。飧，音孫。惡，平聲。饔飧，熟食也。朝曰饔，夕曰飧。言當自炊爨以為食，而兼治民事也。厲，病也。許行此言，蓋欲陰壞孟子分別君子野人之法。
孟子曰：「許子必種粟而後食乎？」曰：「然。」「許子必織布而後衣乎？」曰：「否。許子衣褐。」「許子冠乎？」曰：「冠。」曰：「奚冠？」曰：「冠素。」曰：「自織之與？」曰：「否。以粟易之。」曰：「許子奚為不自織？」曰：「害於耕。」曰：「許子以釜甑爨，以鐵耕乎？」曰：「然。」「自為之與？」曰：「否。以粟易之。」 衣，去聲。與，平聲。釜，所以煮。甑，所以炊。爨，然火也。鐵，耜屬也。此語八反，皆孟子問而陳相對也。
「以粟易械器者，不為厲陶冶；陶冶亦以其械器易粟者，豈為厲農夫哉？且許子何不為陶冶。舍皆取諸其宮中而用之？何為紛紛然與百工交易？何許子之不憚煩？」曰：「百工之事，固不可耕且為也。」 舍，去聲。此孟子言而陳相對也。械器，釜甑之屬也。陶，為甑者。冶，為釜鐵者。舍，止也，或讀屬上句。舍，謂作陶冶之處也。
「然則治天下獨可耕且為與？有大人之事，有小人之事。且一人之身，而百工之所為備。如必自為而後用之，是率天下而路也。故曰：或勞心，或勞力；勞心者治人，勞力者治於人；治於人者食人，治人者食於人：天下之通義也。 與，平聲。食，音嗣。此以下皆孟子言也。路，謂奔走道路，無時休息也。治於人者，見治於人也。食人者，出賦稅以給公上也。食於人者，見食於人也。此四句皆古語，而孟子引之也。君子無小人則饑，小人無君子則亂。以此相易，正猶農夫陶冶以粟與械器相易，乃所以相濟而非所以相病也。治天下者，豈必耕且為哉？
當堯之時，天下猶未平，洪水橫流，氾濫於天下。草木暢茂，禽獸繁殖，五穀不登，禽獸偪人。獸蹄鳥跡之道，交於中國。堯獨憂之，舉舜而敷治焉。舜使益掌火，益烈山澤而焚之，禽獸逃匿。禹疏九河，瀹濟漯，而注諸海；決汝漢，排淮泗，而注之江，然後中國可得而食也。當是時也，禹八年於外，三過其門而不入，雖欲耕，得乎？ 瀹，音藥。濟，子禮反。漯，他合反。天下猶未平者，洪荒之世，生民之害多矣；聖人迭興，漸次除治，至此尚未盡平也。洪，大也。橫流，不由其道而散溢妄行也。氾濫，橫流之貌。暢茂，長盛也。繁殖，眾多也。五穀，稻、黍、稷、麥、菽也。登，成熟也。道，路也。獸蹄鳥跡交於中國，言禽獸多也。敷，布也。益，舜臣名。烈，熾也。禽獸逃匿，然後禹得施治水之功。疏，通也，分也。九河：曰徒駭，曰太史，曰馬頰，曰覆釜，曰胡蘇，曰簡，曰潔，曰鉤盤，曰鬲津。瀹，亦疏通之意。濟漯，二水名。決、排，皆去其壅塞也。汝、漢、淮、泗，亦皆水名也。據禹貢及今水路，惟漢水入江耳。汝泗則入淮，而淮自入海。此謂四水皆入於江，記者之誤也。
后稷教民稼穡。樹藝五穀，五穀熟而民人育。人之有道也，飽食、暖衣、逸居而無教，則近於禽獸。聖人有憂之，使契為司徒，教以人倫：父子有親，君臣有義，夫婦有別，長幼有序，朋友有信。放勳曰：『勞之來之，匡之直之，輔之翼之，使自得之，又從而振德之。』聖人之憂民如此，而暇耕乎？ 契，音薛。別，彼列反。長、放，皆上聲。勞、來，皆去聲。言水土平，然後得以教稼穡；衣食足，然後得以施教化。后稷，官名，棄為之。然言教民，則亦非並耕矣。樹，亦種也。藝，殖也。契，亦舜臣名也。司徒，官名也。人之有道，言其皆有秉彝之性也。然無教則亦放逸怠惰而失之，故聖人設官而教以人倫，亦因其固有者而道之耳。書曰：「天敘有典，敕我五典五惇哉。」此之謂也。放勳，本史臣贊堯之辭，孟子因以為堯號也。德，猶惠也。堯言，勞者勞之，來者來之，邪者正之，枉者直之，輔以立之，翼以行之，使自得其性矣，又從而提撕警覺以加惠焉，不使其放逸怠惰而或失之。蓋命契之辭也。
堯以不得舜為己憂，舜以不得禹、皋陶為己憂。夫以百畝之不易為己憂者，農夫也。 夫，音扶。易，去聲。易，治也。堯舜之憂民，非事事而憂之也，急先務而已。所以憂民者其大如此，則不惟不暇耕，而亦不必耕矣。
分人以財謂之惠，教人以善謂之忠，為天下得人者謂之仁。是故以天下與人易，為天下得人難。 為、易，並去聲。分人以財，小惠而已。教人以善，雖有愛民之實，然其所及亦有限而難久。惟若堯之得舜，舜之得禹皋陶，及所謂為天下得人者，而其恩惠廣大，教化無窮矣，此其所以為仁也。
孔子曰：『大哉堯之為君！惟天為大，惟堯則之，蕩蕩乎民無能名焉！君哉舜也！巍巍乎有天下而不與焉！』堯舜之治天下，豈無所用其心哉？亦不用於耕耳。 與，去聲。則，法也。蕩蕩，廣大之貌。君哉，言盡君道也。巍巍，高大之貌。不與，猶言不相關，言其不以位為樂也。
吾聞用夏變夷者，未聞變於夷者也。陳良，楚產也。悅周公、仲尼之道，北學於中國。北方之學者，未能或之先也。彼所謂豪傑之士也。子之兄弟事之數十年，師死而遂倍之。 此以下責陳相倍師而學許行也。夏，諸夏禮義之教也。變夷，變化蠻夷之人也。變於夷，反見變化於蠻夷之人也。產，生也。陳良生於楚，在中國之南，故北遊而學於中國也。先，過也。豪傑，才德出眾之稱，言其能自拔於流俗也。倍，與背同。言陳良用夏變夷，陳相變於夷也。
昔者孔子沒，三年之外，門人治任將歸，入揖於子貢，相向而哭，皆失聲，然後歸。子貢反，築室於場，獨居三年，然後歸。他日，子夏、子張、子游以有若似聖人，欲以所事孔子事之，強曾子。曾子曰：『不可。江漢以濯之，秋陽以暴之，皜皜乎不可尚已。』 任，平聲。強，上聲。暴，蒲木反。皜，音杲。三年，古者為師心喪三年，若喪父而無服也。任，擔也。場，塚上之壇場也。有若似聖人，蓋其言行氣像有似之者，如檀弓所記子游謂有若之言似夫子之類是也。所事孔子，所以事夫子之禮也。江漢水多，言濯之潔也。秋日燥烈，言暴之干也。皜皜，潔白貌。尚，加也。言夫子道德明著，光輝潔白，非有若所能彷彿也。或曰：「此三語者，孟子讚美曾子之辭也。」
今也南蠻鴃舌之人，非先王之道，子倍子之師而學之，亦異於曾子矣。 鴃，亦作鵙，古役反。鴃，博勞也，惡聲之鳥。南蠻之聲似之，指許行也。
吾聞出於幽谷遷於喬木者，末聞下喬木而入於幽谷者。 《小雅》伐木之詩云：「伐木丁丁，鳥鳴嚶嚶，出自幽谷，遷於喬木。」
魯頌曰：『戎狄是膺，荊舒是懲。』周公方且膺之，子是之學，亦為不善變矣。」 《魯頌》閟宮之篇也。膺，擊也。荊，楚本號也。舒，國名，近楚者也。懲，艾也。按今此詩為僖公之頌，而孟子以周公言之，亦斷章取義也。
「從許子之道，則市賈不貳，國中無偽。雖使五尺之童適市，莫之或欺。布帛長短同，則賈相若；麻縷絲絮輕重同，則賈相若；五穀多寡同，則賈相若；屨大小同，則賈相若。」 賈音價，下同。陳相又言許子之道如此。蓋神農始為市井，故許行又托於神農，而有是說也。五尺之童，言幼小無知也。許行欲使市中所粥之物，皆不論精粗美惡，但以長短輕重多寡大小為價也。
曰：「夫物之不齊，物之情也；或相倍蓰，或相什伯，或相千萬。子比而同之，是亂天下也。巨屨小屨同賈，人豈為之哉？從許子之道，相率而為偽者也，惡能治國家？」 夫，音扶。蓰，音師，又山綺反。比，必二反。惡，平聲。倍，一倍也。蓰，五倍也。什伯千萬，皆倍數也。比，次也。孟子言物之不齊，乃其自然之理，其有精粗，猶其有大小也。若大屨小屨同價，則人豈肯為其大者哉？今不論精粗，使之同價，是使天下之人皆不肯為其精者，而競為濫惡之物以相欺耳。
墨者夷之，因徐辟而求見孟子。孟子曰：「吾固願見，今吾尚病，病癒，我且往見，夷子不來！」他日又求見孟子。孟子曰：「吾今則可以見矣。不直，則道不見；我且直之。吾聞夷子墨者。墨之治喪也，以薄為其道也。夷子思以易天下，豈以為非是而不貴也？然而夷子葬其親厚，則是以所賤事親也。」徐子以告夷子。夷子曰：「儒者之道，古之人『若保赤子』，此言何謂也？之則以為愛無差等，施由親始。」徐子以告孟子。孟子曰：「夫夷子，信以為人之親其兄之子為若親其鄰之赤子乎？彼有取爾也。赤子匍匐將入井，非赤子之罪也。且之生物也，使之一本，而夷子二本故也。蓋上世嘗有不葬其親者。其親死，則舉而委之於壑。他日過之，狐狸食之，蠅蚋姑嘬之。其顙有泚，睨而不視。夫泚也，非為人泚，中心達於面目。蓋歸反虆梩而掩之。掩之誠是也，則子人之掩其親，亦必有道矣。」徐子以告夷子。夷子憮然為閒曰：「命之矣。」
The Mohist, Yi Zhi, sought, through Xu Bi, to see Mencius. Mencius said, 'I indeed wish to see him, but at present I am still unwell. When I am better, I will myself go and see him. He need not come here again.'
Next day, Yi Zhi again sought to see Mencius. Mencius said, 'To-day I am able to see him. But if I do not correct his errors, the true principles will not be fully evident. Let me first correct him. I have heard that this Yi is a Mohist. Now Mo considers that in the regulation of funeral matters a spare simplicity should be the rule. Yi thinks with Mo's doctrines to change the customs of the kingdom - how does he regard them as if they were wrong, and not honour them? Notwithstanding his views, Yi buried his parents in a sumptuous manner, and so he served them in the way which his doctrines discountenance.'
The disciple Xu informed Yi of these remarks. Yi said, 'Even according to the principles of the learned, we find that the ancients acted towards the people "as if they were watching over an infant." What does this expression mean? To me it sounds that we are to love all without difference of degree; but the manifestation of love must begin with our parents.'
Xu reported this reply to Mencius, who said, 'Now, does Yi really think that a man's affection for the child of his brother is merely like his affection for the infant of a neighbour? What is to be approved in that expression is simply this: that if an infant crawling about is likely to fall into a well, it is no crime in the infant. Moreover, Heaven gives birth to creatures in such a way that they have one root, and Yi makes them to have two roots. This is the cause of his error. And, in the most ancient times, there were some who did not inter their parents. When their parents died, they took them up and threw them into some water-channel. Afterwards, when passing by them, they saw foxes and wild-cats devouring them, and flies and gnats biting at them. The perspiration started out upon their foreheads, and they looked away, unable to bear the sight. It was not on account of other people that this perspiration flowed. The emotions of their hearts affected their faces and eyes, and instantly they went home, and came back with baskets and spades and covered the bodies. If the covering them thus was indeed right, you may see that the filial son and virtuous man, in interring in a handsome manner their parents, act according to a proper rule.'
The disciple Xu informed Yi of what Mencius had said. Yi was thoughtful for a short time, and then said, 'He has instructed me.'
注 Zhu Xi 孟子集注
墨者夷之，因徐辟而求見孟子。孟子曰：「吾固願見，今吾尚病，病癒，我且往見，夷子不來！」 辟，音壁，又音辟。墨者，治墨翟之道者。夷，姓；之，名。徐辟，孟子弟子。孟子稱疾，疑亦托辭以觀其意之誠否。
他日又求見孟子。孟子曰：「吾今則可以見矣。不直，則道不見；我且直之。吾聞夷子墨者。墨之治喪也，以薄為其道也。夷子思以易天下，豈以為非是而不貴也？然而夷子葬其親厚，則是以所賤事親也。」 不見之見，音現。又求見，則其意已誠矣，故因徐辟以質之如此。直，盡言以相正也。莊子曰：「墨子生不歌，死無服，桐棺三寸而無槨。」是墨之治喪，以薄為道也。易天下，謂移易天下之風俗也。夷子學於墨氏而不從其教，其心必有所不安者，故孟子因以詰之。
徐子以告夷子。夷子曰：「儒者之道，古之人『若保赤子』，此言何謂也？之則以為愛無差等，施由親始。」徐子以告孟子。孟子曰：「夫夷子，信以為人之親其兄之子為若親其鄰之赤子乎？彼有取爾也。赤子匍匐將入井，非赤子之罪也。且天之生物也，使之一本，而夷子二本故也。 夫，音扶，下同。匍，音蒲。匐，蒲北反。「若保赤子」，周書康誥篇文，此儒者之言也。夷子引之，蓋欲援儒而入於墨，以拒孟子之非己。又曰：「愛無差等，施由親始」，則推墨而附於儒，以釋己所以厚葬其親之意，皆所謂遁辭也。孟子言人之愛其兄子與鄰之子，本有差等。書之取譬，本為小民無知而犯法，如赤子無知而入井耳。且人物之生，必各本於父母而無二，乃自然之理，若天使之然也。故其愛由此立，而推以及人，自有差等。今如夷子之言，則是視其父母本無異於路人，但其施之之序，姑自此始耳。非二本而何哉？然其於先後之間，猶知所擇，則又其本心之明有終不得而息者，此其所以卒能受命而自覺其非也。
蓋上世嘗有不葬其親者。其親死，則舉而委之於壑。他日過之，狐狸食之，蠅蚋姑嘬之。其顙有泚，睨而不視。夫泚也，非為人泚，中心達於面目。蓋歸反虆梩而掩之。掩之誠是也，則孝子仁人之掩其親，亦必有道矣。」 蚋，音汭。嘬，楚怪反，泚，七禮反。睨，音詣。為，去聲。虆，力追反。梩，力知反。因夷子厚葬其親而言此，以深明一本之意。上世，謂太古也。委，棄也。壑，山水所趨也。蚋，蚊屬。姑，語助聲，或曰螻蛄也。嘬，攢共食之也。顙，額也。泚，泚然汗出之貌。睨，邪視也。視，正視也。不能不視，而又不忍正視，哀痛迫切，不能為心之甚也。非為人泚，言非為他人見之而然也。所謂一本者，於此見之，尤為親切。蓋惟至親故如此，在他人，則雖有不忍之心，而其哀痛迫切，不至若此之甚矣。反，覆也。虆，土籠也。梩，土轝也。於是歸而掩覆其親之屍，此葬埋之禮所由起也。此掩其親者，若所當然，則孝子仁人所以掩其親者，必有其道，而不以薄為貴矣。
徐子以告夷子。夷子憮然為閒曰：「命之矣。」 憮，音武。閒，如字。憮然，茫然自失之貌。為閒者，有頃之閒也。命，猶教也。言孟子已教我矣。蓋因其本心之明，以攻其所學之蔽，是以吾之言易入，而彼之惑易解也。